Reykjavík Grapevine - 08.04.2011, Blaðsíða 12

Reykjavík Grapevine - 08.04.2011, Blaðsíða 12
12 The Reykjavík Grapevine Issue 4 — 2011 Words Eiríkur Örn Norðdahl Photography Hörður Sveinsson Literature In The Land Of The Inherently Cute - the search for literary crisis (Practically) all political writing engages in representation and a form of adjudication— i.e. “picking a side”. Classic social realist writing of capitalist societies not only repre- sents the exploited classes, but furthermore represents them against their mortal enemy, the bourgeoisie classes; nationalist literature not only represents a certain land and a cer- tain people, but it represents the land and people as different (unique) from other lands and other peoples; feminist writing repre- sents women against male domination (and/ or “men”); postcolonial literature represents “natives” or “immigrants” vs. “colonials”, “locals” or “nationals”; pacifist writing rep- resents those willing to “be friendly” against those who feel aggression is the only viable course of action; post-modern capitalist lit- erature represents “the individual” vs. the alienating, dystopic horrors of society (and ritually asks: do I deserve to be selfish?). And, at least theoretically, if not in practice, vice versa (i.e. Ayn Rand represents the “en- ergetic” bourgeoisie against the “lazy” class- es who allow themselves to be exploited). (Practically) all Icelandic writing rep- resents Iceland, regardless of the author’s intentions. The mere size of the population (320 thousand) creates a situation where anything said aloud becomes first and fore- most “Icelandic” and what is actually said takes second place to that fact, which in and of itself is peculiar enough to demand most of your attention—because statistically speaking only around 0,0046% of all words spoken (or written) in the world are spoken (or written) in Icelandic. An Icelandic opinion is thus a rarity like Bigfoot or The Abomina- ble Snowman—so rare in fact that most peo- ple who’ve come into contact with it aren’t entirely sure if they did at all, and think that perhaps what they saw was just a really big cow or a really small Danish person. When best-selling crime novelist Arnaldur Indriða- son is sold to German readers, the book cover will generally sport a picture of an old Icelandic farm and perhaps a horse, despite the fact that his books are about the crimi- nal horrors of big city living (in as much as Reykjavík—pop. 120.000—can be considered a “big city”); that is to say: drugs, alienation, loneliness and murder. This form of representation is not limited to books written for a foreign market—the Icelandic condition is one of constant aware- ness of the (ridiculous) size of the country as well as the speaking population and the limits that this imposes. Thus Icelandic lit- erature tends first and foremost to represent Iceland to Icelanders, and this reaches back to (Nobel laureate!—woohoo!) Halldór Kiljan Laxness teaching Icelandic farmers basic hygiene (and thus claiming they were filthy) and propagating the literary myth that goes all the way back to the Sagas, that Iceland- ers were first and foremost a stubborn inde- pendent people not willing to be subjugated. Although Laxness did not necessarily glorify these traits, as is done in the Sagas (and in some modern literature), he nevertheless maintained that they were present, which still today means that Icelanders cannot by definition be “complacent”, “tame” and eas- ily led—despite any evidence to the contrary, such as the national ecstasy over the “suc- cess” of “our” “financial vikings” (known as the “outvasion”—Iceland invades the entire world, “outvades” the world); or the vilifica- tion of protesters before and after the imme- diate uproar surrounding the actual financial crash; or the easily manufactured consent for lax civil liberties to uproot “undesirable” organisations (such as Hell’s Angels) or al- low inclusive privately-owned genetic data- banks with everybody’s medical information; or the current national lunacy, which claims that reducing spending on health, culture and education can be done while simultane- ously jumping for joy that “we finally have a left-wing government”. Icelanders have their own personal agenda; they are individualists who refuse their common identity. Or so goes the myth. Someone like me might in turn argue (bitter- ly, foaming at the mouth) that Icelanders are in fact a bunch of easily manipulated sheep. BOWING TO THE MIGHTY MEDICI Up until the crisis many of the financial in- stitutions in Iceland played Medici-like pa- trons to artists—and used the artists’ image to promote their loans, overdrafts, savings and pension-plans in national ad-campaigns and carefully orchestrated media events, complete with oversized cheques, hand- shakes and photo-ops. Everybody (more or less) played along. There were sponsored squats for artists and a rubbing of shoulders with European jet-set elites—including the president’s wife, Dorrit Moussaieff and the Baroness Francesca von Habsburg—a con- siderable portion of the young art scene in Reykjavík had in this way direct access to some of the most powerful people in the European art scene. And the financial insti- tutions—mainly Landsbanki Íslands—would throw petty alms at the starving artists, who proved more than willing to prostitute themselves (including me and my friends) for what was in all honesty a mere pittance. A colossal symbol of this situation is a series of commercials done for Landsbanki Íslands, where a large group of people are playing football—variously inside the bank or outside in a field. The ads read like a veritable “who’s who” of Icelandic arts, lit- erature, culture and music. Everybody was involved in this scene. Even self-proclaimed revolutionary organisations, such as Nýhil (which I had a large part in founding and running), were for sale—on the premises that a) everybody else was doing it b) it’s good to get money to run this proverbially bank- rupt industry and c) it’s not as if they control what we say, just ‘cause they give us money. These premises were illusions, it turned out. Some people did in fact refuse to participate (although not many), the little money we got did not help (we got overly zealous and al- most literally went bankrupt; and it deprived us of much credibility) and whether or not they “controlled” what we said … at least they were never openly criticised. They may not have bought our silence, but they did buy our friendship—or at least a sort of kindness. Before the collapse only a constantly fading grey line separated what painter Tolli Morthens once called “two of humanity’s greatest interests”: The arts and the financial market. After the collapse this situation has hardly been mentioned, let alone discussed to any serious degree—the artists in ques- tion variously denying involvement (even do- ing so overtly to foreign media), pointing to others as “having been worse” or trying to kill any mention of it by saying it only aimed at provoking bitterness and “blame-games”. As for the Icelandic literary scene, routinely when anything controversial is about to be discussed collectively, memories are in- voked of “the great rift” of the early eight- ies, when the local Writer’s Union split over some argument which nobody really remem- bers anymore—and thus everyone becomes convinced that, as the song goes, silence is golden (and everything else is not). NOT THERE ANYMORE: THE GROUND BENEATH OUR FEET Immediately after the “hrun” (collapse)— followed by the “kreppa” (crisis) and the “kitchen utensil revolution” (named for the banging of pots and pans during the pro- tests)—questions of an aesthetic nature started forcing themselves on unsuspecting artist circles. What does this mean for litera- ture? For music? For the visual arts? What will be the response? For a few years before the collapse artists had been becoming in- creasingly political, although it was mostly in the realm of the environmental issues rather than economics or social justice—and it had less to do with their art and more to do with parallel activities (like playing concerts for nature, as opposed to writing songs against aluminium plants). Critic Valur Gunnarsson probably echoed a common sentiment when he said that people would start paying more atten- tion to “serious” art and (at least partially) turn their gaze away from inconsequential popular culture. Though not necessarily im- plicit in Valur’s words, I often found that this sentiment included a disdain for the experi- mental, avant-garde or plain “weirdo” arts— that which at times in history has been de- scribed as “degenerated” art, devoid of the socially improving agendas of either “beau- ty” or “message”. Before the collapse there might have been a sort of pointlessness, or self-obsession, habitual to the art scene, where artists ritually explored the possibili- ties and limits of art itself—repeatedly ask- ing the same (important?) question: “Is this art?” And after the collapse you could feel an increase in the disdain for artist happenings such as cleaning an apartment or standing on a street corner for a week—a hatred for the pointlessness in art, which for some is the whole point with doing arts, the true Zen-like magic of art; that which separates it from the goal-orientation of everything else in the world. Why were these people getting paid, people asked, to fool around like idiots, often from the empty pockets of taxpayers— while the government was closing hospital wards and firing “actual” workers? And, like in any society of (relative) less-than-plenty, the artists themselves had to ask themselves these same questions: why were they getting paid, when people needed hospital beds? Valur also predicted that the “outvasion” of Icelandic artists would come to a halt, like the “outvasion” of Icelandic businessmen; and that consequent generations would be more angry than their “cute” predecessors— “cute” being a derogatory term for musicians Björk, Sigur Rós, Amiina, múm and the like. This has not necessarily proven to be the case, although it’s hard to notice in the short run, but it seems young Icelandic musicians are still touring the world—and while there might not be a new Björk on the scene, that has hardly anything to do with the crisis. As for literature, Iceland is going to be the guest Steinar Bragi Writer-slash-poet Steinar Bragi (b. 1975). He has been active in the field since his first book of poetry, 'Svarthol' ("Black Hole") was published in 1998, and is slowly attaining a revered status in the Icelandic literature world. His 2008 novel 'Konur' ("Women") was a critical and commercial breakthrough for him and is often read as a critique on Iceland's pre-crash mentalities. He actively protested during the 'pots and pans revolution'. Jón Örn Loðmfjörð Poet, programmer, prankster and jack-of-all-trades Jón Örn Loðmfjörð (b. 1983) was a very active protester in the aftermath of the collapse, helping orga- nise the militant student group Öskra amongst other things. He has published various books of poetry and could also be called a multimedia/web artist. His 2010 book of poetry, ‘Gengismunur’ (“Arbitrage”) was an ambitious project that re-worked the recently published Special Investigative Committee’s report on the economic collapse. Óttar Martin Norðfjörð Another protester, the prolific Óttar Martin Norðfjörð (b. 1980) has published books of poetry, satire, highbrow literature and highly successful Dan Brown-style mysteries that have been published in various languages. His 2009 novel ‘Paradísarbor- gin’ (“Paradise City”) is often read as a poignant allegory about the economic collapse and the environment that brought it on.

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