Reykjavík Grapevine - 19.07.2013, Qupperneq 6

Reykjavík Grapevine - 19.07.2013, Qupperneq 6
By Ingibjörg Rósa Björnsdóttir Iceland | News The Sexy, Exciting Fishing Fees Saga Where else could a tedious, un-sexy issue like fish- ing fees become such a hot debate but in Iceland? It makes sense, though, as fishing amounts to just over 40% of Iceland's GDP (down from as much as 90% a few decades ago). And what’s the fuss all about now? In short: last year, the then-reigning coalition gov- ernment of the Social Democratic Alliance and Left- Green passed a bill that increased the fee charged to fishing quota owners significantly, from 4.5 billion ISK to an estimated 13 billion. In return, family al- lowance and interest relief were raised, plans were set in motion to start developments on transportation improvements (such as a tunnel to Norðfjörður in the Northeast), and to increase financial support to various smaller industries and trades, such as tour- ism, film production and the science- and technology development fund. women and children, no wait, quota owners first! The fisheries and quota owners were less than thrilled at the prospect. The Federation of Icelandic Fishing Vessel Owners (LÍÚ) claimed the indus- try was being put to its knees; that several fisheries would go out of business and be forced to discon- tinue some of their fish processing plants around the country, rendering hundreds unemployed. LÍÚ organised massive protests that, among other things, entailed sailing a fleet of vessels to Reykjavík harbour—where they blew their horns incessantly for days on end—staged rallies in front of Alþingi, and pleaded to the president to veto the bill. While their efforts certainly raised a lot of attention, they were ultimately to little avail, with the bill passing despite LÍÚ’s massive outcry. However, the full force of the new law wasn’t scheduled to take effect until later this year, resulting in traditional LÍÚ ally the Independence Party mak- ing the revoking of the law one of the main points of their platform for this spring’s election. The party won the popular vote, forming a coalition govern- ment with the election's other victors (slash long-time collaborators) the Progressive Party in May. It came as no surprise, then, when the new gov- ernment approved a new bill presented by the Min- ister of Fisheries and Agriculture on June 12, which effectively revoked the fishing fee law and reduced the fees significantly. The newly instated minister, Sigurður Ingi Jóhannsson, insisted that by doing so he was responding to the fact that smaller fisheries could not pay such high fees without considerable loss of income, because their profits this year were so far much lower than had been estimated. In effect, Sigurður Ingi went as far as saying that last year’s bill was “technically flawed.” Considering that the Progressive Party’s cam- paign promise was to immediately tackle the prob- lems of indebted homeowners—it was in fact their biggest platform point—many were startled when the coalition announced that homeowners’ debts couldn't be “corrected” right away, and that they’d form a committee to look into the matter in the fall. This former priority of the Progressives, which arguably won them the seat of Prime Minister, was postponed, due to “lack of available funds,” while a priority was placed on passing the new fishing fee bill—which severely limits the state’s income—dur- ing Alþingi’s short summer session. Large portions of the general public were, to say the least, not amused. A petition was launched on Ice- land’s National Day, June 17, to protest the decision and challenge the president to veto the bill if it were passed by Alþingi, forcing a referendum where the nation would make the final decision on the matter. The petitioners’ hopes were high, as President Ólafur Ragnar had set a precedent by refusing to sign new laws three times while in office: a bill meant to re- strict corporate ownership of media in 2004 (the bill was withdrawn and never went to referendum) and the notorious IceSave bill, which was rejected two times in a referendum during the previous govern- ment’s four-year reign. Ólafur Ragnar had further- more stated in interviews during his 2012 presiden- tial campaign that fisheries management, a long-time point of contention for the Icelandic nation, was espe- cially suitable for referendum. Keep digging The outside world also seemingly supported this out- come. When IMF delegates visited in June, as part of the fund’s regular audit of Iceland’s economy, they reviewed the fishing fees and concluded that they would not prevent investment in the sector, which has been the government's primary argument for revok- ing them. In fact, the IMF recommended the fee be maintained, while noting that it was still waiting to see a detailed plan for household debt relief. As for the general public, a recent survey by newspaper Fré- ttablaðið revealed that 70.5% of the population op- posed reducing the fees. It should be noted that the new law does not entail completely slashing the fishing fees, or even reduc- ing them to what they were before. According to the new bill, the estimated return to the state treasury for 2013 to 2014 is 9.8 billion ISK, 4.2 billion ISK less than what the fees would have yielded under the old law. However, while Iceland has recovered remark- ably from the economic collapse over the past four years, the state’s budget is tight, and the loss of 4.2 billion ISK will make a considerable dent. All eyez on Óli Iceland’s proverbial eyes were thus clearly fixed on President Ólafur Ragnar Grímsson. Would he or wouldn’t he? After a period of speculation, Ólafur Ragnar announced a press meeting on July 9, five days after the fishing fees bill was passed by Alþingi. In a short statement, Ólafur Ragnar announced that he would be signing the bill, declaring that he didn’t consider such a matter fit for a referendum, since technically it regarded taxation. It would be hard to maintain direct democracy and referendums on deci- sions that would affect taxation and state revenue, he said, explaining to the reporters in the post-statement Q&A that they had just probably misunderstood whatever it was he was supposed to have said while campaigning for presidency in 2012 (“...due to their nature, relatively few matters are better suited for a referendum as those to do with the quota system,” in case you were wondering). Iceland’s constitution is a rather confusing docu- ment. There are no clear rules or regulations regard- ing what can and can’t be channelled to a referendum, so for every one of his decisions, Ólafur Ragnar (who remains the only Icelandic president to have used this veto power) usually just goes by his own interpreta- tion or “gut feeling.” And this is exactly what he did. “If you don't like gay people you must really hate straight people—because they make them.” – Reykjavík Mayor Jón Gnarr on his public Facebook page, July 12 Mayor Jón Gnarr has long been a staunch supporter of gays, bisexuals and trans people, showing his support by—amongst other things—annually participating in the Gay Pride march in drag. The Mayor was outraged by the anti-gay laws recently passed in Russia, where individuals can now be fined for promoting information “directed at forming non-traditional sexual setup,” and where it is now illegal to say gay relationships are equal to heterosexual ones. Jón Gnarr added in his status update: “Dear Duma. Your religion is more dangerous than homosexuality. Gays are fun. You and your church are just scary.” He went a step further last week, proposing to the Reykjavík city council that the city end its relationship with Moscow, its sister city since 2007. The proposal is still being discussed but Jón Gnarr’s opinion has won praise from the international gay community, with many, many commenters on Grapevine’s story stating that Reykjavík has one gutsy Mayor! “We knew about this rule before we went but simply didn’t reach an agreement on who should give up his delegation seat for a woman.” – Progressive Party MP Karl Garðarsson, Alþingi, July 2 We were all cringing with embarrassment a few weeks back, when the Icelandic delegation at the Parliamentary Assembly of the Council of Europe (PACE) in Strasbourg was scolded for failing to include a single female representative—according to PACE’s rules, at least one delegate has to be a member of “the under-represented sex” in the nation’s parliament. The Icelandic delegation consisted of Karl Garðarsson, newly elected MP for the Progressive Party; Brynjar Níelsson, newly elected MP for the Independence Party, and Ögmundur Jónasson, MP for the Left-Green Movement and former Minister of the Interior. When Brynhildur Björnsdóttir, MP for the Bright Future Party, enquired why the delegation had made this mis- take, Karl answered in all honesty that…the gang couldn’t decide on who should miss the trip to Strasbourg. What a great vote of confidence in your female party members! Karl then added that somebody should be appointed by the Parliament to handle such matters and make a ruling when the parties can’t reach an agreement on their own. Really? You can’t solve it yourselves? All it takes is for one guy to raise his hand and say: “Hey, I’m not indispensable, I’m sure the ladies in my party can do just as good a job as me! Here have my seat.” *insert swear words* Last week was significant in Iceland’s political history. President Ólafur Ragnar Grímsson decided to sign a bill into law that had caused so much controversy that more than 35 thousand Icelanders signed a petition urging him to veto it and send it to a national referendum (see: IceSave). There were heated discus- sions, even filibustering, in Alþingi before the bill was passed, and the subject remains the water cooler topic in every single workplace in Iceland. And it’s about fish. by Ingibjörg Rósa BjörnsdóttirThey Said What? ”A new petition has been launched, urging Ólafur Ragnar Gríms- son to resign from his post as president. At the time of writing, it has gathered just over 1,600 people have signed.” Photo by Sigtryggur Ari Jóhannsson/DV 6The Reykjavík Grapevine Issue 10 — 2013
Qupperneq 1
Qupperneq 2
Qupperneq 3
Qupperneq 4
Qupperneq 5
Qupperneq 6
Qupperneq 7
Qupperneq 8
Qupperneq 9
Qupperneq 10
Qupperneq 11
Qupperneq 12
Qupperneq 13
Qupperneq 14
Qupperneq 15
Qupperneq 16
Qupperneq 17
Qupperneq 18
Qupperneq 19
Qupperneq 20
Qupperneq 21
Qupperneq 22
Qupperneq 23
Qupperneq 24
Qupperneq 25
Qupperneq 26
Qupperneq 27
Qupperneq 28
Qupperneq 29
Qupperneq 30
Qupperneq 31
Qupperneq 32
Qupperneq 33
Qupperneq 34
Qupperneq 35
Qupperneq 36
Qupperneq 37
Qupperneq 38
Qupperneq 39
Qupperneq 40
Qupperneq 41
Qupperneq 42
Qupperneq 43
Qupperneq 44
Qupperneq 45
Qupperneq 46
Qupperneq 47
Qupperneq 48
Qupperneq 49
Qupperneq 50
Qupperneq 51
Qupperneq 52
Qupperneq 53
Qupperneq 54
Qupperneq 55
Qupperneq 56
Qupperneq 57
Qupperneq 58
Qupperneq 59
Qupperneq 60
Qupperneq 61
Qupperneq 62
Qupperneq 63
Qupperneq 64
Qupperneq 65
Qupperneq 66
Qupperneq 67
Qupperneq 68
Qupperneq 69
Qupperneq 70
Qupperneq 71
Qupperneq 72

x

Reykjavík Grapevine

Direct Links

Hvis du vil linke til denne avis/magasin, skal du bruge disse links:

Link til denne avis/magasin: Reykjavík Grapevine
https://timarit.is/publication/943

Link til dette eksemplar:

Link til denne side:

Link til denne artikel:

Venligst ikke link direkte til billeder eller PDfs på Timarit.is, da sådanne webadresser kan ændres uden advarsel. Brug venligst de angivne webadresser for at linke til sitet.