Reykjavík Grapevine - 28.09.2013, Blaðsíða 18

Reykjavík Grapevine - 28.09.2013, Blaðsíða 18
The world has changed significantly since 2008, and it owes a great deal to Iceland for this shift, but not for reasons claimed by Facebook Revolutionar- ies who praise the country for “setting an example.” The Kitchenware Revolution's real gift to a world bustling with discontent is its contribution to/part in WikiLeaks' Cablegate disclosures. With Julian As- sange and his colleagues lauded in Iceland for pub- lishing Kaup#ing bank’s dodgy loan book in 2009, Chelsea Manning took heed of the country's plight. Explaining that she took interest in Iceland due to discussions about Icesave in a Wikileaks chatroom, Manning told a U.S. military court that she found a cable describing “bullying” and decided to act. “Iceland was out of viable options and was com- ing to the US for assistance. Despite the quiet request for assistance, it did not appear that we were going to do anything,” she said. “I felt that I would be able to right a wrong by having [WikiLeaks] publish this document.” It was published as a test in February 2010. A deluge of cables followed in November. The revelations in those documents acted as a lightning rod for the 2011 ousting of autocratic President Zine El Abedine Ben Ali in Tunisia, which in turn gave hope to activists from Tahrir Square in Cairo to Zu- cotti Park in New York City. And the drama is still ongoing. After its security was compromised in August 2011, WikiLeaks decid- ed to dump the entire cache, unredacted, with many of the 251,287 cables still lacking the attention they deserve. Five years after the event that fundamentally shaped their publication, it's worth taking a look at what Cablegate itself has to say about Iceland's melt- down. The sometimes typo-laden dispatches from Reykjavík not only give a behind the scenes look at intelligence gleaned from meetings, parties, lun- cheons, phone calls, and lobbyist visits, they also re- veal glaring ineptitude and callous cynicism before, during, and after the collapse. Too proud to beg As doom drew near, high-ranking American and Icelandic officials ignored the impending danger the global financial system faced. In a bilateral meeting with Secretary of State Condoleezza Rice and some of her staff in June 2008, Geir Haarde said that “Iceland is through the worst and that things will continue to stabilize.” U.S. Under Secretary of State Reuben Jef- frey III said the United States was “near the end of the downturn” and agreed “that the fundamental elements of the Icelandic economy appeared sound.” In September, Lehman Brothers' bankruptcy was felt far beyond U.S. shores. The Emperor's Clothes were repossessed. The flailing was far from over in Iceland after the Lehman bankruptcy. A cable sent by U.S. Am- bassador Carol van Voorst on October 3 described Geir as “maintain[ing] that the economic situation will get better.” She implied that the government should have been “securing outside guarantees or added cash reserves to back up the krona” (foreign exchange is determined by demand for a currency and supply of foreign currency in domestic banks) and that doing so “would do much to calm anxieties here.” A few days later, Landsbanki went under, and in the cable describing the demise, van Voorst noted that an IMF official said the organization “had been watching Iceland for some time and had visited ear- lier this summer.” One can assume that the world's debt collection agency wasn't there for the pylsur. Yet the government still had no comprehensive plan. The inaction was noticed in Washington, as re- vealed in an October 8 cable. Central Bank of Iceland (CBI) Director for International Affairs and Markets Sturla Pálsson told the Embassy that the CBI had spoken with Tim Geithner, then head of the New York Federal Reserve, and other unnamed Federal Reserve officials in Washington. But, Deputy Chief of Mission Neil Klopfenstein suggested the appeals lacked urgency: ----------------------------------- Palsson confirmed that the Cen- tral Bank had not spoken with any- one at the U.S. Treasury Department. The Ministry of Finance's Director General of the Economic Department, Thorsteinn Thorgeirsson, said that aside from an October 6 conversation between Treasury Dept Under Secre- tary Dave McCormack and the Finance Minister, the only other official contact the ministry had with the US Government was with Treasury's Ice- land Desk Officer Lawrence Norton. ----------------------------------- Klopfenstein also noted that “the Central Bank's Governors were talking to their Nordic colleagues, but the Bank has not taken advantage of the swap lines in place.” Projecting nonchalance amid a slow motion car wreck, Pálsson said he wanted the U.S. to get in touch with him, and insisted that a loan from the Central Bank of Russia, which never actually materialized, was “95 percent certain.” In another cable sent on the same day, Klopfenstein was baffled by claims that the U.S. refused aid. “[T]he Embas- sy does not believe the Icelanders have adequately checked out all possibilities of cooperation with U.S. entities,” he said, telling Washington that envoys “urged Iceland reps to reach out to U.S. authorities The Collapse | Anniversary Special 18The Reykjavík Grapevine Issue 15 — 2013 Embassy Cables 101 The United States’s aboveboard intelligence gathering On its website, Wikileaks describes the cache of cables as “orders sent out from the Department of State, embassy reporting about the local governments and details of US government activities in each country.” In many ways, diplomats are like aboveboard intelligence officers—collecting and dispensing information; sometimes state secrets, in a bid to both formulate and carry out foreign policy. Sometimes, this can be done at stuffy meetings—long tables, each country's miniature f lag in the middle, with coffee, folders, and stern expressions. Sometimes, this can be done in less formal settings. As one U.S. diplomat described in 2005, this sometimes includes a drink or two. Bemoaning his trouble peddling the State Department's “cultural programs,” which he described as “too simplistic and propagan- distic for Icelanders,” then Deputy Chief of Mission and Charge D'affaires Philip Kosnett described one way of getting Icelanders to switch off: ------------------------------------------------ What we tend to end up doing most often is, in effect, to stretch our budget by provid- ing duty-free alcohol for receptions at exhibit openings and art festivals. Because alcohol is highly taxed in Iceland, our gifts of wine for receptions strike Icelanders as far more gener- ous than they actually are. In return for these gifts, we get thanked on invitations and public- ity materials prepared by the event sponsors, and we get invitations for our staff to attend events along with high society. Then we use the events to hobnob, make connections, and talk up U.S. policy. ------------------------------------------------ Source: https://www.wikileaks.org/plusd/ cables/05REYKJAVIK526_a.html THE SECRET HISTORY OF THE COLLAPSE HOW U.S. DIPLOMATS SAW IT UNFOLD BY SAM KNIGHT “These assertions were repeated in a cable sent a month later, when Voorst wrote that the ‘Grand Old Man of the Independence Party’ was responsible ‘for Iceland's stunning loss of credibility in the financial world’

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