Reykjavík Grapevine - 02.08.2019, Blaðsíða 20

Reykjavík Grapevine - 02.08.2019, Blaðsíða 20
20 The Reykjavík Grapevine Issue 13— 2019 In 1948, German-American endocri- nologist Harry Benjamin had a fate- ful meeting with famed sexologist Alfred Kinsley, wherein Benjamin was introduced to a child, assigned male at birth, who wanted to be a girl. Benjamin proposed estrogen treat- ment for the child and, encouraged by positive results, helped develop an evaluation process for assessing trans people, culminating in his landmark 1966 publication, ‘The Transsexual Phenomenon.’ The process outlined in this work laid the foundations for how the global medical community would assess and progress the treatment of trans people. Until last June, the process In Iceland went something like this: if you thought you were or might be trans, you would sign up for six interviews, paid out of pocket and stretched out over a period of at least six months, with psychiatrists and social workers. During this time, and for up to a year afterwards, you would be expected to “live as your gender identity” in order to access hormone replacement ther- apy (HRT), surgery, and other medical procedures. In light of new research, this process is being slowly replaced with a new one. The informed consent model moves the onus from (often cisgender) medical professionals’ opinions on any given person’s “transness” to the trans person themselves as the best author- ity on what their gender actually is. While this new model is not yet estab- lished in many countries around the world, Iceland has, more or less, legally adopted it. Trans people are arguably the new frontier of queer rights. As we move into Reykjavík Pride season, it is important to understand the Icelandic trans experience, how the law moved from one process for trans people to a new one, why it took so long, and what challenges still lie ahead. From “nice idea” to “bullet- proof” "The old law was considered one of the most progressive ones in Europe at the time,” says writer and activist Ugla Stefanía Kristjönudóttir Jónsdót- tir, who is also the chair of the Trans Ísland organisation, and one of the minds behind the new law. “I guess that shows how quickly things can change and how fast we can move on." The old law, last codified in 2012, contained elements that were always considered dubious at best by trans people in Iceland. In particular, the stipulation that they must live accord- ing to their “gender role” for a specific period of time for approval for HRT and other services. "It was really strange that the term ‘gender role’ is written into law, because what are gender roles? We have no legal terms of what's a man, a woman, or a gender role," Ugla points out. The new law, says Ugla, began as a well-meaning parliamentary proposal from the Pirate Party, who sought to have “the third gender,” as they put it, officially recognised. Ugla says that while this was “a nice effort,” she and others believed there needed to be a comprehensive law instead. Ugla and Intersex Iceland chairper- son Kitty Anderson got to work in 2015, contacting numerous government bodies, institutions, and grassroots organisations to form a core work- group that would help create a draft for a bill. The fact that it took four years for this legislation to go from draft to law was due, in part, to changes in Parliament (the draft was first ready for submission as a bill when Iceland’s previous government collapsed) but also because they wanted the legisla- tion to be “absolutely bulletproof.” This would mean navigating the conten- tious process of trying to reach some kind of agreement between all the sectors involved—with mixed results. Wins and losses As with any piece of legislation, changes were made from initial draft to final form. In this case, some of the original proposals that did not make the final cut— often for purely political reasons— will have real life consequences for already marginalised people. As an example, both Trans Ísland and the trans diagnostic team were in agreement that there should be no limits set on how often someone can change their gender marker. However, by the time the bill made it out of the Parliamentary General Committee, the law would end up allowing only a single change to an individual’s gender marker, barring “special circumstances”. Ugla believes this was a mistake. “The whole purpose of the law is that people have the right to determine their legal gender and name,” she says. “Putting restrictions on that is against the whole idea of the law. I guess we'll just have to see how this works in prac- tice, because in the law, it doesn't really say who makes the decision on what is 'special circumstances.' It's a bit vague, and we're not sure how it’s going to work in practice." The final version of the law also slighted intersex people in particular. The original draft sought to protect intersex children from non-consensual cosmetic surgeries on their genitals— something that would seem to be a done deal for a Parliament that got very close to banning penile circumcision. Instead, the final law merely called for the establishment of a committee, to submit findings in 12 months’ time, to examine these surgeries. To Ugla, it was an “absolutely ridiculous” deci- sion, given that four years have already been spent discussing the matter. “There needs to be a ban on these surgeries,” says Ugla. “It's something that absolutely has to happen. It's not even a discussion for us.” Ugla specu- lates that this element may have been excluded because of Parliament’s worry that it could jeopardise the law's passage. “In the meantime, these surgeries will continue. They don't realise the urgency of this and that this needs to happen now.” Kitty elaborated on this point during a conversation with Grapevine last February. “When there is no risk to health it is imperative that children be allowed to grow up and still have the possibility to make their own decisions about what they want to happen to their body,” Kitty said, in part. “When invasive and irreversible procedures are performed on children, it not only violates their fundamental rights, but also takes away choices from them when they are older.” Welcome to the labyrinth In a law such as this, numerous government institutions are affected and must make systemic changes. Some institutions have proven more receptive than others. This can mean a delayed reaction between the law’s passage, and such institutions imple- menting the changes the new law demands. As one example, even though the law codifies the recognition of a third gender marker, X, the National Registry has said it could take them 18 months to add that option to their system. Another example concerns asylum seekers and refugees. By law, if an asylum seeker or refugee comes to Iceland and they are trans, they should be given ID according to their gender identity, regardless of what their legal documents might say. However, Ugla and the Grapevine have been made aware of instances in which the Direc- torate of Immigration has failed to honour that section of the law. Ugla says Trans Ísland will meet with the Directorate to be sure they fully under- stand the part they must play. Alexandra Briem, a trans woman and Reykjavík City Councilperson for the Pirate Party, believes that a large part of the problem is the endemic inscrutability of Iceland’s bureaucracy. Ministries can even write internal regulations that may seem to contra- vene national laws. “It's part of what makes Iceland and it's bureaucracy difficult to navigate,” she says. “The law may say something which seems straightforward, but it can turn out that the regulations from the ministry interpret it completely differently. It's that interpretation that counts, unless you successfully sue a ministry in the Supreme Court.” Another issue is that the Icelandic authorities often pass the buck on cases they find difficult, says Alexandra. “People don't want to be responsible for something that costs more money,” “So many peo- ple are com- ing out now that oth- ers think so it must be a fad. But I think it's actually because we're reaching a space where there's much more aware- ness, people are able to express them- selves more freely. We should be celebrating that there are more peo- ple willing to be who they are.”
Blaðsíða 1
Blaðsíða 2
Blaðsíða 3
Blaðsíða 4
Blaðsíða 5
Blaðsíða 6
Blaðsíða 7
Blaðsíða 8
Blaðsíða 9
Blaðsíða 10
Blaðsíða 11
Blaðsíða 12
Blaðsíða 13
Blaðsíða 14
Blaðsíða 15
Blaðsíða 16
Blaðsíða 17
Blaðsíða 18
Blaðsíða 19
Blaðsíða 20
Blaðsíða 21
Blaðsíða 22
Blaðsíða 23
Blaðsíða 24
Blaðsíða 25
Blaðsíða 26
Blaðsíða 27
Blaðsíða 28
Blaðsíða 29
Blaðsíða 30
Blaðsíða 31
Blaðsíða 32
Blaðsíða 33
Blaðsíða 34
Blaðsíða 35
Blaðsíða 36
Blaðsíða 37
Blaðsíða 38
Blaðsíða 39
Blaðsíða 40
Blaðsíða 41
Blaðsíða 42
Blaðsíða 43
Blaðsíða 44
Blaðsíða 45
Blaðsíða 46
Blaðsíða 47
Blaðsíða 48
Blaðsíða 49
Blaðsíða 50
Blaðsíða 51
Blaðsíða 52
Blaðsíða 53
Blaðsíða 54
Blaðsíða 55
Blaðsíða 56

x

Reykjavík Grapevine

Beinir tenglar

Ef þú vilt tengja á þennan titil, vinsamlegast notaðu þessa tengla:

Tengja á þennan titil: Reykjavík Grapevine
https://timarit.is/publication/943

Tengja á þetta tölublað:

Tengja á þessa síðu:

Tengja á þessa grein:

Vinsamlegast ekki tengja beint á myndir eða PDF skjöl á Tímarit.is þar sem slíkar slóðir geta breyst án fyrirvara. Notið slóðirnar hér fyrir ofan til að tengja á vefinn.