Reykjavík Grapevine - 18.06.2010, Blaðsíða 10

Reykjavík Grapevine - 18.06.2010, Blaðsíða 10
10 The Reykjavík Grapevine Issue 08 — 2010 It is easy to forget how new modern finance – securities trading and invest- ment banking – is to Iceland, especially when we consider the enormous size that the Icelandic financial bubble had grown to by the fall of 2008, and the even more grandiose dreams attached to the further growth of the banks and various investment companies. In fact, we cannot speak of a modern capital market, or even a financial market, in Iceland until the early 1990s. CREATING A CAPITAL MARKET The first steps, however, had been taken in the mid ‘80s by free market visionaries. Laying the foundation for the free market reforms of the ‘90s they set about creating a modern capi- tal market: for a modern capital market does not emerge on its own out of thin air. Just like all other markets, it has to be created. And it cannot be created by decree alone, and it does not magically emerge via the cutting of red tape or taxes. Still, the first step was relatively straightforward and simple: creating a central marketplace where buyers and sellers of securities could meet to trade stocks and bonds. In 1985, the Icelandic stock exchange was founded. However, the first stocks were not listed until 1991. The main reason was that in 1985 Iceland had neither buyers nor sell- ers of stocks, and very few companies whose stock could be traded. Establish- ing a stock exchange was not enough: the state also had to create both the supply and the demand for stocks. In order to convince the public of invest- ing in stocks, a law was passed in 1984 that offered a tax rebate to anyone who invested in common stock. “SHAREHOLdER NATION” Creating a modern stock market was not an end in itself. The ultimate goals were threefold. Firstly, the goal was to wean Icelandic companies off their re- liance on cheap debt supplied by the state controlled investment funds, and get them to raise equity from investors. Secondly, a stock market was necessary if the ambitious plans of the free mar- ket visionaries for privatisation were to be achieved. The third goal was a tad more ide- alistic, namely the creation of a “share- holder nation” or a “shareholder de- mocracy.” The concept had been around in conservative circles for decades, first articulated by long serving conser- vative MP and ideologue, Eyjólfur Kon- ráð Jónsson. As early as the sixties he had argued that the best way to elimi- nate the conf licts between capital and labour – and to ensure the public sup- port of more business friendly govern- ment policies – was to make the general public into shareholders in the largest private companies. THE IdEA TAKES FLIGHT It was only in 1990, after the tax rebate had been increased that stock trading took off—and in order to meet this in- creased demand the securities firms— all of them partially or wholly owned by the banks – set up new mutual funds, marketed as “stock funds”, that entitled their investors to the tax rebate. There was a wrinkle, however: a le- gal loophole made it possible to organ- ise closed end mutual funds as regular joint stock companies – thus exempting them from the very limited legislation that governed regular mutual funds. The funds were marketed as a way for small investors to diversify their port- folios, yet there were no legal require- ments that funds actually diversify their holdings. There was very little criticism of this arrangement, and the securities firms argued that it allowed them necessary “f lexibility”. And in any case, there were no apparent problems: no signifi- cant scandals that shook people’s belief in the market or their chosen vehicle, the mutual funds. Why attack a non- existing problem with legislation? The fact that no obvious problems cropped up, along with the fact that the market grew, appeared to confirm the idea that the market would “take care of itself” – that the main problem of the f ledgling Icelandic financial mar- ket was its small size, especially lack of liquidity, and that the invisible hand would solve these problems as the stock market grew. And indeed, by the end of the ‘90s it appeared that the free market ideo- logues had been proved correct and their dreams realised: Iceland now had a modern capital market and a vibrant stock exchange, listing most large and medium sized private companies as well as several newly privatised state owned enterprises. The most encourag- ing development was the mass partici- pation of the public in the stock market – largely through the mutual funds. The vision of the Icelandic economy as a “shareholder democracy” appeared within reach. THEN THE BUBBLE BURST “The bursting of the millennium bubble exposed Icelandic investors to a completely novel experience: stocks could actually lose value! Ever since stocks were first traded in the late ‘80s the market had known only one direc- tion: up. Between 1987 and 1992, the market rose by 700%. This amazing bull market was followed by a short “bear market”, in which – instead of falling – prices simply stood still. In the spring of 1994, then, the great bull mar- ket of the ‘90s took off, growing some 480% before the bubble burst. In 2000, then, when the broad mar- ket fell for the first time, the public was spooked. People rushed to withdraw money from the market. Including the mutual funds." And now the curious make-up of the mutual funds became a problem. Regular open-ended mutual funds were exempted from income taxes. The gains were taxed only in the form of capital gains taxes on the members when they cashed out of the funds. The “stock funds,” because they were organised as regular joint stock compa- nies, were not exempt from paying in- come taxes. By reinvesting their profits, however, they could defer these taxes. This strategy worked well enough while money f lowed into the funds, but when investors cashed out, the funds were faced with a serious problem: they would have to start unloading assets on a falling market, thus depressing prices even further, while at the same time shouldering a sizable tax bill. At the same time the banks and se- curities firms that sponsored mutual funds had acted as market makers for their shares. The result was that in the aftermath of the millennium bubble, the banks and securities firms came to own large blocks of shares in the mu- tual funds, thus tying up large amounts of their capital. LEvERAGE TO THE RESCUE The banks hit upon a simple solution: to turn the mutual funds into leveraged investment companies. This develop- ment began in the spring of 2001 with the transformation of the oldest “stock fund” Hlutabréfasjóðurinn hf – found- ed in 1986 – into a leveraged invest- ment company Straumur. By 2004, all the major mutual “stock funds” that had served as vehicles for the public participation in the stock market had disappeared, either merg- ing with various leveraged investment companies or, as in the case of Kaupth- ing, being absorbed by the investment bank itself. Instead of holding shares in a mutual fund with a diversified portfolio the investors now held shares in leveraged investment firms. Rather than aiming at diversification the lever- aged investment companies concentrat- ed their holdings, buying controlling stakes in a small number of firms, of- ten with the goal of taking them private and “reorganising” them (frequently by piling on debt and/or selling off assets). The ownership also changed. In- stead of being held by a large number of small investors (as the mutual funds had been), the investment companies were controlled by a few large investors. The result was that the inf luence of the small investors was virtually nil. dIvERSIFICATION? WHO NEEdS IT! Over the next years these investment companies became a dominant force on the Icelandic stock market, push- ing up share prices as they participated in the leveraged buyout boom that pro- pelled the stock market bubble. In the process most medium sized companies disap- peared from the stock exchange, and the ownership of those left became in- creasingly concentrated. The result was that the stock mar- ket became less and less “democratic” – and the vision of a “shareholder de- mocracy” became i ncreasingly dis- tant. Considering how momentous this transformation was it is amazing that it took place virtually unnoticed and with- out any protest or public discussion. The reason, of course, was that the small shareholders were happy to enjoy the rising share prices of the invest- ment companies: employing the magic of leverage they were able to post amaz- ing returns. In 2004, Atorka, one of these firms, posted a 73,3% return on its capital. With returns like those, who needed diversification? The implications, however, were serious. By using leverage to take pub- lic companies private, the investment companies were not only undermin- ing the idea of a shareholder democ- racy, they were defeating a second achievement of the tax rebate. Rather than strengthening the capital base of Icelandic companies they became increasingly leveraged. This leverage was to achieve monstrous proportions, and played a key role in weakening the economy so that when the global finan- cial crisis hit in the fall of 2008, it set in motion a chain reaction in Iceland. THE LEvERAGEd UNdERTAKERS OF THE REvOLUTION There is an obvious irony in the fact that the mutual “stock funds”, which had become the main vehicle of the government policy to increase stock ownership and achieve the dream of a shareholder democracy, had become the undertak- ers of this dream. The reason was, of course, that while laying the foundations for the financial market the gov- ernment and the legislature had not shown much foresight – it was simply assumed that the market would take care of it- self. The government could offer incentives like the tax rebate, but market par- ticipants should be trust- ed to find the best way to make use of these incentives: the more f lexibility fund managers and the securities firms had to respond to op- portunities and changes in the market, the better. But as history teaches us, revolu- tions tend to have unintended conse- quences, and sometime they even “eat their children.” The Icelandic financial revolution that took place in the 1990s is no excep- tion. Article | Finance The Financial Revolution That Ate Its Children The bursting of the millennium bubble exposed Icelandic investors to a completely novel experience: stocks could actually lose value! Ever since stocks were first traded in the late ‘80s the market had known only one direction: up. Magnús Sveinn Helgason is a historian. He most recently authored addendum five to the SIC report, and is currently working on a book on financial bubbles. How the vision of a shareholder de- mocracy was per- verted and turned into the dystopian dream of the island as a giant hedge fund. Words Magnús Sveinn Helgason Illustration Stock ownership by Icelandic investment funds 1997 - 2009 0 100000 200000 300000 400000 500000 600000 700000 800000 2010/042010/032010/02201 / 120 9/ 220 9/ 120 9/20 9/ 920 9/ 820 9/ 720 9/ 620 9/ 520 9/ 420 9/ 320 9/20 9/ 120 8/120 8/1120 8/120 8/20 8/20 8/ 720 8/ 620 8/ 520 8/ 420 8/ 320 8/20 8/ 120 7/120 7/1120 7/120 7/ 920 7/ 820 7/20 7/ 620 7/ 520 7/ 420 7/ 320 7/20 7/ 120 6/120 6/1120 6/120 6/ 920 6/ 820 6/ 720 6/20 6/ 520 6/ 420 6/ 320 6/20 6/ 120 5/120 5/1120 5/120 5/ 920 5/ 820 5/ 720 5/ 620 5/20 5/ 420 5/ 320 5/20 5/ 120 4/120 4/1120 4/120 4/ 920 4/ 820 4/ 720 4/ 620 4/ 520 4/20 4/ 320 4/20 4/ 120 3/120 3/1120 3/120 3/ 920 3/ 820 3/ 720 3/ 620 3/ 520 3/ 420 3/20 3/20 3/ 120 /120 /1120 /120 / 920 / 820 / 720 / 620 / 520 / 420 / 320 /20 / 120 1/120 1/1120 1/120 1/ 920 1/ 820 1/ 720 1/ 620 1/ 520 1/ 420 1/ 320 1/20 1/20 /20 /20 /20 / 920 / 820 / 720 / 620 / 520 / 420 / 320 /20 / 11999/11999/1119 /119 / 919 / 819 / 719 /0619 /0519 /0419 /0319 /0219 /019 8/ 219 8/19 8/ 019 8/019 8/019 8/0719 8/0619 8/0519 8/0419 8/0319 8/0219 8/019 7/ 219 7/119 7/ 019 7/019 7/0819 7/019 7/0619 7/0519 7/0419 7/0319 7/0219 7/0 Sept. 2007 Sept. 2008 Sept. 2009 Sept. 2006 Sept. 2006

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