Reykjavík Grapevine - 03.12.2010, Blaðsíða 14

On November 27, Icelanders partook in
an unprecedented election when the
nation voted representatives for a Con-
stitutional Assembly that will convene
in February. The assembly’s task is to rewrite the
Icelandic Constitution, originally handed down to us
by the Danish colonial masters in 1874—hence the
statue of a Danish monarch with a piece of paper in
front of the Prime Minister’s office.
This assembly will present its resolutions to the
Parliament at the end of its sessions, but it also has
the power to force Alþingi’s hand by calling for a
national referendum on its proposals.
EXpLOSIVE ISSUES
The Constitutional Assembly consists of 25 repre-
sentatives. The issues it will look most closely into
are the system of government itself: the role of the
president, the independence of the judiciary sys-
tem and some aspects that are perceived to have
failed before and during the collapse of the Icelan-
dic economy in 2008—aspects such as the checks
and balances between the different branches of
government.
It will also debate whether the constitution
should contain provisions about national resourc-
es—that are mainly fish and energy—and whether
these should be stipulated as being the basic prop-
erties of the nation itself.
There are more subjects that will surely be dis-
cussed: The relation between the state and the Lu-
theran church, which now has the status of national
church, whether to decide more things by referen-
dum and whether to change the electoral system,
which is seen by many as archaic, where votes in
the countryside count for more than votes cast in
Reykjavík and the towns in the southwest.
TOTAL SySTEM FAILURE
The Constitutional Assembly is a direct result of
the collapse. After the events of October 2008—
when the banks, the stock market and the currency
crashed in the course of a week—there was talk of
total system failure within the government. This is
confirmed in a huge report published in April 2010
by the parliament appointed Special Investigation
Commission; politicians and the civil service sector
are seen to have failed through negligence, incom-
petence and nepotism.
There have even been calls for a second Icelan-
dic republic to be founded on the ruins of the first
one—so in a way the Constitutional Assembly is an
attempt to take the democratic process out of the
hands of the political class.
LOW TURNOUT
But it cannot be claimed that the elections brought
out the nation en masse. The turnout was quite a
disappointment. Only 36 percent of the population
bothered to vote, in a country where most voters
usually show up for elections.
Several explanations can be mentioned. The
large right wing party, Sjálfstæðisflokkurinn, in
government before and during the collapse, was
opposed to the whole process and talked it down
from the outset. Coverage was limited, partly be-
cause the media were overwhelmed by the number
of candidates, 522 in all.
Some also felt that the process did not go far
enough, that the powers of the assembly are too
limited: its proposals will eventually have to be rati-
fied—or rejected—by Alþingi. And of course a con-
stitution is an abstraction; it does not immediately
affect the lives of people, so perhaps many felt de-
tached from the whole process.
A WEAKENEd MANdATE
Admittedly the mandate of the Constitutional As-
sembly is weakened by the low turnout. Of course
it will still carry on, but its proposals can be easily
put to doubt. Politicians might even be tempted to
try to ignore it. This is also a question of how the
assembly itself will fare. Politics are largely discred-
ited in Iceland because of the crash, and because of
incessant party bickering. Trust in the Parliament is
almost non-existent. Will the Constitutional Assem-
bly manage to rise above this, or will it descend into
the same infighting, mirroring the general distrust.
Then we might also see the outlines of political par-
ties forming within the assembly, especially around
the explosive question of national resources.
International media has described this as a
unique experiment, but it might easily fail. All in all,
five Parliament-appointed committees have failed
to rewrite the constitution since Iceland became a
republic in 1944. The first was convened as early
as 1945. Many of them sat for years. The last one,
in 2005, stranded on the role of the president. The
Icelandic president has traditionally been a sym-
bolic figurehead, but this has changed in the time
of President Ólafur Ragnar Grímsson, who enjoys
playing an active role in politics, vetoing important
bills and advocating views contrary to government
policy. Presently the constitution can read in two
ways, in favour of Ólafur Ragnar’s view of the ac-
tive role of the president and of the president being
subservient to government ministers.
STILL NO ONE ACCEpTS RESpONSIBILITy
A certain schadenfreude can be detected among
those who oppose the Constitutional Assembly.
There is also a distinct change in tone in the nation-
al discourse in the last months. The forces that were
behind the collapse have started fighting back with
more vigour. Politicians, some of whom were quite
subdued after the crash, are much more cocky—
back to their old ways. And politicians who most
thought would have to leave the stage in shame are
still around.
The daily newspaper Morgunblaðið is used by
Davíð Oddsson, former Prime Minister and Central
Bank governor, to try to restore his tattered reputa-
tion and to thrash those who think he might share
some blame for the collapse. One of those who
practically bankrupted the nation, financier Jón
Ásgeir Jóhannesson of Baugur fame, still owns his
media empire.
The banksters, thought by most to be the chief
culprits, have also started fighting back in a more
aggressive manner, immediately answering every-
thing that is said about them, intimidating journal-
ists and threatening them with lawsuits.
As of yet really no one has accepted any respon-
sibility for the crash, be they politicians or bankers.
President Ólafur Ragnar, who was a shameless
cheerleader for the financiers, has managed to
undergo an amazing makeover, emerging as a folk
hero who refuses to pay the debts incurred by the
banks.

A ROLLERCOASTER RIdE
There is also a question of the general public and
its stamina. After the rollercoaster ride of the last
years, one senses a certain tiredness and resigna-
tion. The passion for change felt directly after the
crash seems to be evaporating. Many people are in
dire straits financially; they struggle to make ends
meet. Lawyers who collect debts are prospering in
this situation. Everybody still loathes the financiers,
the banks and even the politicians, but people feel
that they can’t really do anything about it—that the
bad guys will have their debts written off in the end
while the common people will have to pay.
The blogs, very lively after the crash, have be-
come more nasty, repetitive and bad tempered.
There is little analysis, but much bullying and para-
noia. Political parties are back at their usual spin-
ning. While some were voting for the Constitutional
Assembly the media were focusing on the exploits
of a prostitute from Guinea, now imprisoned in Ice-
land, and a sex scandal involving a preacher from a
congregation in an outlying township of Reykjavík.
AM I RIGHT THIS TIME?
The intensity of the situation and the soul searching
has taken its toll. I will again review my prognostica-
tion. In September I wrote that there was a chance
of people descending into apathy. In October after
demonstrations in front of Alþingi I wrote that may-
be I was wrong.
Now I will write that maybe I was right the first
time. There is not much revolutionary fervour left,
the ‘Pots and Pans’ revolution seems to have run
its course. But then I might be wrong. At least later
this month we will have Christmas, a huge thing in
Iceland, with the lights coming out in the dark of the
Nordic winter. It is a time for cosying.
Merry Christmas.
14
Egill Helgason is a man of many talents, in case you were wondering.
Besides running a political talk show on Icelandic State TV, he also runs a
literary programme there. And he blogs a lot for website Eyjan.is. Busy man!
Analysis | Egill Helgason
Words
Egill Helgason
Illustration
Inga María Brynjarsdóttir
Low Voter Turnout, Mixed Messages
The Reykjavík Grapevine
Issue 18 — 2010
Did the Constitutional Assembly election fail?