Archaeologia Islandica - 01.01.2010, Qupperneq 80

VÉRONIQUE FORBES, ALLISON BAIN, GUÐRÚN ALDA GÍSLADÓTTIR AND KAREN B. MILEK
2009; Lárusdóttir et al. 2005; Lucas 2002
& 2005; Taylor 2004; Taylor et al. 2005;
Traustadóttir & Zoéga 2006; Vilhjálmsson
1989; Ævarsson & Gísladóttir 2008 &
2009). While excavations have traditional-
ly focussed on sites dating from the Viking
Age (874 - 930 AD) and Commonwealth
Periods (930-1262 AD), early modem
archaeology in Iceland still shows biases
towards the excavation and analysis of
high status and unique sites, such as reli-
gious centres and the residences of the
political elite (Hambrecht 2009, 12-13;
Lucas & Snæsdóttir 2006, 8; Vésteinsson
2004, 73-78). Post-medieval archaeologi-
cal deposits are usually investigated as
part of rescue operations or as the by-prod-
ucts of excavations targeting earlier
deposits. The ensuing post-excavation
work is often limited and the results rarely
published (Hambrecht 2009, 3; Lucas &
Snæsdóttir 2006, 6).
With the growing number of pub-
lished papers dealing with early modem
Icelandic material (e.g. Edvardsson et al.
2004; Hambrecht 2009; Lámsdóttir et al.
2005; Taylor et al. 2005), this situation is
starting to change. The integration of
archaeological data with the rich histori-
cal record and high-resolution climate
proxy data available for this period
allows for a better understanding of the
complex human-environment intercon-
nections and daily practices of Icelanders
during this period (e.g. Edvardsson et al.
2004; Hambrecht 2009).
The present paper focuses on the latter
part of the Early Modem Period, the late
19th an(j earjy ^ofh century. At this time,
Iceland was gradually recovering from an
unemployment and famine crisis which
started around 1850, instigated by a devas-
tating epizootic of scab among Icelandic
sheep and exacerbated by natural disasters
and climatic deterioration (Eggertsson et
al. 1987, 140; Karlsson 2000a, 228-238).
A massive raral exodus followed, as a
large number of people moved to the
developing urban centres to work in the
fishing industry (Durrenberger & Pálsson
1989, 6; Karlsson 2000b, 292; Vasey
1996, 156), or emigrated to the New
World in search of better living conditions
(Amgrímsson 1997; Karlsson 2000a,
236). The Icelanders who stayed pursued a
political struggle to gain their country’s
independence from Denmark. In 1918, the
signature of the Act of Union gave Iceland
sovereign status, and in 1944, it was offi-
cially recognized as an independent repub-
lic (Jóhanesson et al. 1987, 49- 47;
Karlsson 2000a, 283). At the same time,
the mechanisation of the físhing industry
and the increased intemational trade lead
to rapid urbanisation and modemisation.
This resulted in signifícant changes in the
quality of life of most Icelanders
(Durrenberger & Palsson 1989, 4-8;
Karlsson 2000a, 224-308).
During the late 19^ and early 20^
century, Iceland was transformed from a
traditional and mostly raral society into a
prosperous sovereign nation. This period
of great social and economic change,
despite its importance, has gone undocu-
mented in archaeological publications.
With the scarcity of archaeological com-
parative material, it is difficult to know if
the general picture of daily life provided
by the historical record and ethnographic
accounts reflects the rich variability of
living conditions and day-to-day prac-
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