Lögberg-Heimskringla - 15.01.2019, Síða 5

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Lögberg-Heimskringla • 15. janúar 2019 • 5
Stefan Jonasson
The world was slow to
notice that Iceland had
become an independent
country during the last month
of 1918. Earlier in the year,
there had been a flurry of stories
in the North American press
repeating a rumour emanating
from Berlin that reported,
“Denmark fears that Iceland
may secede and declare itself a
republic,” hinting that it would
“later attach itself to Great
Britain.” However, Reuter’s
quickly debunked the rumour
as German wartime propaganda
while noting that Britain had,
in fact, purchased the entirety
of Iceland’s fish catch that was
available for export. But when
Iceland actually achieved its
sovereignty as a kingdom,
rather than a republic, the
world’s press was largely silent.
Even Heimskringla and
Lögberg had little to say on
the subject. Heimskringla
published the results of the
referendum, albeit more than
a week after sovereignty had
already come into effect,
but the rest of the Winnipeg
newspapers’ coverage, slight
as it was, was buried as small
items in general “news from
Iceland” articles. The Icelandic
newspapers offered more
robust coverage, as would
be expected, but even that
coverage often missed the
significance of the change
that sovereignty represented.
Perhaps this is why, looking
back after a century, leaders
refer to the “working woman
Elka Björnsdóttir” whose
diary entry for December 1,
1918, shows that she clearly
understood the significance of
the day.
The oversight is
understandable. Sovereignty
came only weeks after the
armistice ending the First World
War, an influenza epidemic
was ravaging many countries,
and national boundaries were
changing across Europe. In
Iceland, the volcano Katla had
erupted in October and the both
Icelandic and English papers in
Winnipeg devoted more type to
that eruption and news about
the flu. Sovereignty may have
seemed somewhat esoteric in
light of the problems being
faced at the time.
More than half a year after
Iceland’s sovereignty was
declared, the country’s change
in status finally caught the
attention of The New York Times,
which ran a lengthy article by
Dr. Guðmundur Finnbogason,
“Self-Determination for the
Icelanders,” in its issue of July
13, 1919.
“On Dec. 1 the new
Icelandic flag was hoisted
on the Government House in
Reykjavík, and a little State
of 93,000 people entered the
family of nations,” Guðmundur
began. “This agreement
between Denmark and Iceland
was reached on the initiative
of Prime Minister Zahle of
Denmark and Jon Magnusson,
Premier of the Icelandic
kingdom, with the approval
of the Icelandic Althing and
Danish Parliament. Under it
the King of Denmark becomes
King of Iceland.”
Guðmundur went on
to describe in considerable
detail the practical changes
that had come about through
sovereignty, distilling the most
important details of the Act of
Union in language that was
much more clear and concise
than the act itself, setting
forth the implications of the
legislation. “Iceland has, in
the Danish Foreign Office, an
agent who is commissioned
to dispatch Icelandic affairs.
Iceland may, on her own
budget, make provisions to
send Ministers or Consuls to
those places where Denmark
has no diplomatic or Consular
agents; to Danish legations
and consulates may again be
adjoined Icelandic advisers, also
appointed by Iceland. Special
delegates empowered to discuss
exclusively Icelandic affairs
may also, after deliberation with
the Danish Minister of Foreign
Affairs, be sent by the Icelandic
Government.”
Denmark would continue
patrol Iceland’s territorial
waters until “Iceland desires
to entirely or partly take that
control into her own hands.”
“A consultative committee
of six members, appointed in
equal proportion by the Danish
and Icelandic Parliaments,
shall on principle be allowed
to give its opinion on all bills
which concern the interests
of both countries before they
are presented to the respective
Parliaments.” In the event that
the two countries’ governments
could not agree on the
interpretation of the Act of
Union, an arbitration committee
consisting of four members,
drawn equally from the
supreme court of each country,
would be empowered to decide
the matter. If this committee
were evenly divided, an arbiter
appointed by the Swedish and
Norwegian governments would
decide the matter.
“After the expiration of
the year 1940, the Parliament
of each nation can, of its own
accord and at any time, demand
that the action of union be
taken under revision. Should
this revision not lead to a
new agreement in the course
of three years the Danish
Parliament or the Althing
may, each for itself, declare
null and void the contract
contained in the act of union;
this declaration takes effect if
the Parliament by its votes, and
the people by a plebiscite, both
give it an appointed majority.
Denmark informs other nations
that she recognizes Iceland
as a sovereign State and that
Iceland declares her perpetual
neutrality.” As it happened,
Guðmundur lived just long
enough to see that final step
taken on June 17, 1944; he died
the following month.
It was natural for The New
York Times to turn to Guðmundur
Finnbogason, who was one of
Iceland’s leading scholars a
century ago. Born in 1873, he
attended Lærði skólinn (The
Learned School of Reykjavík),
now known as Menntaskólinn
í Reykjavík, studied philosophy
at the University of Copenhagen,
and earned his master’s
degree in psychology in 1901,
becoming one of Iceland’s
first recognized psychologists.
... continued on page 6
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ÁRBÓK LANDSBÓKASAFNS ÍSLANDS, 1945
Guðmundur Finnbogason as a younger man Morgunblaðið devoted the cover of its December 2, 1918, issue to sovereignty
– the most extensive coverage of any newspaper at the time.