Lögberg-Heimskringla - 25.01.1980, Blaðsíða 3

Lögberg-Heimskringla - 25.01.1980, Blaðsíða 3
Lögberg-Heimskringla, föstudagur 25. janúar, 1980 of lceland ability of allied forces to maintain a constant scrutiny of Soviet naval movements and, if necessary, to engage in anti-submarine and surface warfare. Indeed, the Keflavik base and its associated facilities are of crucial importance because it is difficult to see how the surveillance of the North Atlantic could be performed adequately without them. Effective coverage of Soviet naval activity in the North Atlantic serves a number of strategic and tactical purposes. First it provides intelligence in- formation on which to base military planning. In the event of war or major crisis, the availability of reliable and up-to-date information on the size, character and deployment of the ad- versary’s forces could vitally affect the outcome of the conflict or the possibility of managing the crisis. Secondly, the ability to detect shifts in the pattern of Soviet naval deployments can serve to give political and tactical warning of shifts in Soviet policy. Again, in a crisis, such warning may be crucial. Finally, confidence in the quality of military in- telligence is a major factor determining the credibility and stability of one’s nuclear deterrent. A significant proportion of the strategic nuclear forces of both the United States and the Soviet Union is deployed on nuclear submarines. Given the range of the majority of missiles currently deployed in Soviet submarines, in order to reach targets in the United States, the greater part of the Russian ballistic missile submarine fleet would have to be deployed in the Western Atlantic. The Russians maintain a fairly constant number on station at all times, and clearly it is in the American interest to maintain a constant check on these deployments. Similarly, for American submarines to come on station unimpeded access to the Atlantic is rcquired. The confidence of each side in the credibility and ef- festiveness of its deterrent forces is regarded by most strategists as an essential component in deterrent stability. So long as each side is confident in its ability to retaliate effectively in the event of an attack by the other, then it can be argued that a situation of mutual deterrence exists in which each side will be con- strained in the risks it will take with respect to con- flicts of interest with the adversary. In other words, insofar as international security in the North Atlantic region is a function of mutual deterrence, then the effective surveillance of the region by NATO forces is an essential component of stability. With the development by both the United States and the Soviet Union of longer range submarine launched missiles (with ranges in the order of 4000 nautical miles), the significance of the North Atlantic as an area of deployment for strategic nuclear missile submarines is bound to decline. Nonetheless, the shorter range missiles will continue to be deployed for some time to come yet, and so the North Atlantic and GIUK gap will continue to be important for the strategic deterrents of all the nuclear powers with forces in the region. And, anyway, the use of the North Atlantic by strategic missile sub- marines, as already pointed out, is only one component of the area’s strategic importance. The ability to effectively “police” the North Atlantic in peacetime, and the prospect of being able to maintain lines of com- munication in wartime is one of the few areas of clear NATO superiority over the forces of the Warsaw Pact. In a situation of concern in Western capitals about the growing strength of the forces of the Soviet Union and its allies in the Warsaw Pact, the possession of some area of military superiority is not without symbolic political importance. For this state of affairs to be maintained, military access to the litoral states of the North Atlantic is required. Thus, were the NATO facilities in Iceland to be lost, not only would the surveillance capabilities of the alliance in the region be weakened, but this would also be widely perceived as damaging to the political cohesion of the alliance, and would undoubtedly have wider political reper- cussions. With respect to the potential role of Iceland in the event of conflict in Europe, the development by the United States of a direct airlift capacity to reinforce its forces in Western Europe has somewhat reduced the significance of Iceland as a transit base for tran- satlantic reinforcements. Still, it is possible to con- ceive of circumstances in which the availability of staging and assembly facilities in and around Iceland would continue to be militarily significant. More importantly, the existence of military bases in Iceland can be interpreted as a measure of Iceland’s commitment to the alliance and can act as insurance against outside coercion. Against the latter concern, the presence of American forces would act to con- strain the Soviet Union from risking some kind of dangerous fait accompli in a crisis. For, after all, it is usually more difficult to return to a position previously vacated than it is to reinforce one already occupied. This is even more the case in a situation of nuclear confrontation. As long as Iceland con- tinues to have strategic significance for the major powers, then there will be pressure on her to respond to their security concerns. Iceland, in 1949, in effect decided that the best protection of her freedom of action lay in her mem- bership in NATO. Par- ticipation in the alliance ensured at minimum a right to be consulted in decisions affecting her fate and the opportunity to place her relations with the United States in a multilateral context; no small con- sideration when _ a small power confronts a much larger one, and which Iceland successfully ex- ploited against the United Kingdom during the cod wars. Conversely, the willingness of outside powers to respond sym- pathetically to Iceland’s concerns will be in part a function of Iceland’s value to them. At the present time, the main strategic value of Iceland to those countries politically and economically most important to her, and who happen to be her allies in NATO, lies in the sur- veillance facilities made available to the American Defence Force. Without these facilities, Iceland would remain strategically significant, but her value as an ally would be very much reduced. In these cir- cumstances, Iceland might welPfind herself far more directly exposed to great power competition in the North Atlantic.paulButeuXj Department of Political Studies, University of Manitoba j3 To Kalla: DOUG'S SAGA A friend to greet you on arrival At once assures you of survival Warm greetings and a helping hand Good food, good friends, “Welcome to Iceland”. A bus ride through a fairy land Camera ever in our hand Don’t step there, a “troll” may dwell A tourist guide has a saga to tell. Prancing ponies, lava fields Glaciers cool and Nordic shields Wild flowers blooming on the rock Fish boats side by side at dock. Bubbling mud and jets of steam Make it seem a land of dreams ** Valcanoes everywhere are smoking They say that it’s the devil stoking. Heated pools and planes so sleek Salmon leaping in the creek Fish upon the racks are drying While woolen sweaters we are buying. Puffins posing by the sea While sheep graze contentedly Memories like these and more We take with us from Iceland’s shore. Sad of eye, but warm in heart It’s time for us to depart A fond farewell to new found friends And “like all good things” our journey ends. Höfundur þessa ljóðs er Doug Hall, sem ferð Aist með konu sinni Hazel Sigurdson til Islands sl. sumar. Heim- sóttu þau þar ættingja Hazel en hún er af íslenskum ættum. Móðir hennar er Helga Bjarnason úr Þingvalla- byggðinni í Saskatchewan en faðir hennar var Her- mann Sigurdson frá Eriksdale í Manitoba. Sjálfur er höfundurinn Doug frá Englandi. DONATIONS TO HÖFN In memory of Mrs. K. Grimson Mr. and Mrs. George Cole In memory of Mrs. Salome Johnson Sólskin In memory of Mrs. K. Grimson; Mrs. Salome Johnson; Miss Anna Eyford from Mrs. Sena Anderson and Miss Lillian Eyolfson In memory of Mr. Gisli Benedictson Mrs. Elmina North; Mrs. Lenore Jones; Mrs Louise Ferguson and Ms. Emily Axdal In memory of Mr. H.S. (Steini) DaJman Sigfus Johannson and Family Members Ethel Reinholt Gudjon Johnson; Lena Lindal; Evelyn Merinuk and David Lindal Gratefully acknowledged, S. GOODMAN, Treasurer for Höfn I would liketo order Höffhero:- ítetmsferingla Name Address City Prov. Postal Code $50.00 25.00 35.00 20.00 55.00 10.00 40.00

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