Studia Islandica - 01.06.1994, Blaðsíða 71
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instances these footnotes, like Veblen’s translations of
bynames, offer questionable interpretations, they generally
provide valuable and interesting insights, especially with
regard to the social and economic background. He gives
lengthy explanations of the trading value of homespun
cloth, vaðmál (V 58fn), for instance, and discusses the
position and influence of the goði (V 85fn). This reflects
Veblen’s own interest in the saga as a source of important
ethnological information.1
Ms. Arent’s edition provides well-chosen explanations
for terms such as vestr um haf and hersir, for naming cus-
toms that produce epithets such as Götuskeggjar and for
traditions such as the custom of allowing jettisoned high-
seat posts to drift ashore and determine where one should
settle. Arent also pioneers the use of 24 genealogical charts
showing entire families, placed where the families con-
cerned receive extensive description in the saga text.
Magnússon and Pálsson’s version of Laxdœla saga rele-
gates much of the genealogical material to footnotes (on
the same page) where, as the introduction explains it is
hoped that “it does not impede the fiow of the narrative”
(Magnússon and Pálsson 1969:43). Their translation offers
a number of aids to understanding and following the story:
genealogical tables, good maps showing both the whole of
Iceland and the specific area of western Iceland where most
of the saga takes place, and lastly, but perhaps most useful-
ly, a glossary of proper names. This, they explain, is not a
complete index of all the people who are mentioned in the
saga, but is “intended as a guide to the parts played by the
major characters, to refresh readers’ memories about minor
characters and relationships, and people of particular his-
torical significance.” (Magnússon and Pálsson 1969:247)
1 See Chapter V for a discussion of the influences exerted by the indi-
vidual translator’s attitude to the saga as reflected in his translation.