Lögberg-Heimskringla


Lögberg-Heimskringla - 12.10.1979, Qupperneq 2

Lögberg-Heimskringla - 12.10.1979, Qupperneq 2
Lögberg-Heimskringla, föstudagur 12. október, 1979 EARLY ICELANDIC CHRISTIANITY COMES TO TORONTO Miss Margaret Rose Harry successfully defended her doct- oral uissertation entiteied An Etíition of Kristni Saga, with Notes and Commentary, at the Univérsity of Toronto School of Graduate Studies on August 22, 1979. Dr. Harry had previously obtained a B.A. degree from the University of London, England, and an M.A. in Old Icelandic from the University of Manitoba. Her Introduct- ion contains a great number of insightful observations. She has produced the first definitive edition of the two extant manuscripts of the saga and added its first continous English translation, which greatly enhances the value of the entire work. A special program circulated on the occasion of Dr. Harry’s oral defense contains the following statement: “Kristni Saga, a late thirteenth-century history of the conversion of Iceiand to Christianity and the establishment there of an institutionalized church, has generally received little critical attention. Since the saga is iargely dependent upon eariier sources, yet departs considerably from Ari the Learned’s account of the same events in Islendingabók, A burst of Christ from acrucifix from Ufsir in Svarfaðardalur seeming to prefer the reputedly unreliable work of Gunn- laugr Leifsson, it has not usually been thought worthy of an mdependent and detailed critical examination. However, it presents a rare opportumty to uncover the actual process of compiiation itself, for ín almost all cases its sources are not only identifiable but also extant. One af the problems in dealing _with the saga is that, in spite of the fact that only two manuscript versions exist, one a seventeenth-century copy of the other, which is now very defective early 14th-century copy, oniy- the mediaevál version has ever been edited to any extent. The result is that existing editions of the saga give little indication of possible textual problems, and provide no basis of compar- ison by which the relative reliability of the seventeenth- century copy may be discerned (a point of some importance in view of the extensive lacunae in the mediaeval text). A further result of both this editorial insufíiciency and the general critical disregard has been that no complete English translation of the saga has previously been made. The procedure, therefore, has been to establish the texts of the two manuscripts and to provide a textual introduction and notes. The. sources of the saga have been identiíied, and an attempt has been made to examine the criteria of sel'éct- ion used by the saga-author. Finally, an English translation, with extensive notes, has been appended to the study. The result of the study is that the saga emerges as an interesting exercise in the writing of history. The decisions made by the saga-author reflect historical problems that are frequently ignored and, while these decisions do not oíten appear to be historically justified, they sometimes throw the supposedly more reliable earlier sources, includ- ing Ari’s Islendingabók, into doubt. They aiso demonstrate the extent to which the various accounts may have been affected by literary and other factors, particularly a tend- ency to rationaiize events and to set them in order, that, in spite of the authority of Snorri Sturluson, should be historic- ally unacceptable.” It is of interest to note that the Icelanders must have known about the Christian religion from the beginning of the Age of Settlement (874-930). In the beginning their associations with the new religion were confined to Ireland, but Irish Christianity differed a good deal from the Roman Catholic ),radition. The Irish Church, for example, did not recognize the supremacy of the Pope until 1152. Many of the people who orgiginally moved to Iceland from the Western Islands (The Norse Colonies in Britain) seem to have moved between heathen and ■ Christian beliefs. Helgi the Lean, a settler in Eyjafjörður, who “believed in Christ but invoked Thor when it came to voyages and difficult times”, is a good example of these unsettled religious atti- tudes. Thor and Christ were indeed seen as rivals. Their similar functions within the two religious systems may have provided at least one of the reasons for this. Both were perhaps regarded as the executors of divine directives. Kristni Saga not only reflects this tension but presents highly intriguing reports on the írustrating attempts of pioneer Christian missionaries to convert the Icelanders. With Dr. Harry’s permission we reproduce a small portion of her new translation of Kristni Saga. “THE SLAYING OF SKEGGJABJÖRN And when Þangbrandr taught the faith before men in Ice- land, then many took it upon themselves to slander him. Þorvaldr the Ailing, who lived at Vik in Grimsnes, did this. He composed verses about Þangbrandrf and to the poet Úlfr he recited this stanza: Straight to the fearless Úlfr Uggason I shall send a message (for I do not dislike the ruler of weapons) that he, endower of the spear-storm, should expel the perverse oííender agamst the gods, since he blasphemes against the gods, and I shall expel the other. Úlfr spoke this in repiy: I am not tempted by the fly, do not accept the message, though the sender be a proven swimmer in the fjord of Hárbarðr’s house; it is not, keeper of the cabin-horse, like me to swallow a fly; the reports going around are wrong; I foresee great harm from it. Vetrliði the Poet also composed a slander about Þang- brands, and so did many others. And when they came west into Fljótshlið and Guðleifr Arason from Reykjahólar was with him, then they learned that Vetrliði the Poet was cut- ting peat with his servants. Þangbrandr and his men went to him and killed him there. This was said about Guðleifr: In the land the téster of shields travelled south to lunge with weapons into the mead-vessel’s forge of Baldr’s rust-hater’s bed; the valiant battle-performer caused a slaughter hammer to scream into the hatland’s anvil of Vetrliði the Poet. From there they went west into Grimsnes and met Þorvaidr the Aiiing near Hestaiækur and slew him there. From there they turned back and siayed with Hallr a second winter. And in the spring Þangbrandr got his ship ready for the sea. That summer Þangbrandr was prosecuted and con- demned to outiawry for these manslaughters. He put out to sea but was driven back ínto Lorgarfjörður to Hitará. There down beyond Skiphyiur it is now cailed Þangbrands- hróf, and his mooring stone still stands there on a rock. And when Þangi^randr and his men had arrived there, the men of the district met in order to forbid all trade with them. Þangbrandr came to Krossolt and song mess there, and raised a cross fhere. There was a man calied Kolr, who lived in Lækjarbugur. He had so much food that he scarc- ely knew what he should do with it. Þangbrandr went to the place and demanded to buy íood from him; but he would Framh. á bls. 3 rqkkar gamlir ÞAGNA ÞRÁTT Ofangreindar ljóðlínur skáldsins hljóta æ að koma í hug hverjum þeim Islendingi sem hugleiðir tóvinnu fyrri aldar. Þá voru spunarokkar af ýmsum stærðum á hverju íslenzku heimili. Þá þaut í hnokkum og snúð og hlaupa- stelpan tifaði án afláts. Þessi iðja er þó löngu orðin hluti af liðinni tíð. Um hana má lesa í bókum og spunaáhöld- in gömlu hafa nú prýtt þjóð- minjasöfn bæði vestan hafs og austan um langa hríð. Saga íslenzka spunarokks- ins er enn óskráður þáttur í menningarsögunni. — Margt bendir þó til þess að á Isiandi hafi gerð hans frá upphafi fram á þessa öld verið með svipuðu sniði þó að á ýmsu ylti um stærð. Hér í Vesturheimi var loks ins brotið blað í hefðbund- inni spunamennsku. Þar var að verki þjóðhagasmiðurinn Þorsteinn Sveinsson bóndi á Svalbakka í Nýja Islandi. — Hann gjörbreytti sniðinu, og urðu rokkar hans vinsælir og náðu talsverðri útbreiðslu. Þorsteinn reisti bæ sinn árið 1889, þá nýkvæntur Guð- björgu Guðmundsdóttur. — Bæjarnafnið bendir til að Þorsteini hafi þótt anda köldu af Winnipegvatni. „1 þessum heimi er éls von”, mælti skáldið. Þau Þorsteinn og Guðbjörg bjuggu á Sval- bakka til ársins 1945, en það ár andaðist Þorsteinn. Smiðsins á Svalbakka verð ur lengi rninnzt í Islendinga- byggðum við Winnipegvatn. Hann reisti ramgjör hús, gerði sjálfur margbrotin smíðatól svo sem rennibekk og aðra nytsamlega hluti sem bera vitni um fágæta hug- vitsemi. Flestir munu þó fyrst staðnæmast við rokk- ana sem fyrr voru nefndir. Magnús Elíason, systur- sonur Þorsteins, útvegaði blaðinu meðfylgjandi teikn- ingu. Hún skýrir sig sjálf.

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