Archaeologia Islandica - 01.01.2013, Qupperneq 74

Archaeologia Islandica - 01.01.2013, Qupperneq 74
GUÐRÚN ALDA GÍSLADÓTTIR, JAMES M. WOOLLETT, UGGI ÆVARSSON, CÉLINE DUPONT-HÉBERT, ANTHONY NEWTON AND ORRI VÉSTEINSSON sea bird harvesting afforded by access to a rich and resilient marine ecosystem (Brewington and McGovern 2008; Church et al. 2005). At the northwestem edge of the Norse North Atlantic, the Greenland settlements, which lasted into the 15th century, took the form of highly isolated farms stmng out along fjords and valleys. Subsistence there depended largely on goat and sheep herding and the hunting of caribou and sea mammals (McGovern 1994). Iceland represents something of a middle ground between these two extremes. Settlements there were typically dispersed farmsteads rather than villages (Vésteinsson 2006). However, some very limited cereal cultivation and more intensive pastoral farming focussed on cattle, sheep and goats was practiced in the comparatively moderate south of Iceland, while more diversifíed economies emphasizing sheep and goat herding, fresh and salt-water fishing, bird hunting and sea mammal hunting were more common in the less hospitable North (Amorosi 1996, Vésteinsson et al. 2002; McGovem et al 2006). As documented through historical sources and archaeology, Iceland’s early history can be divided into three periods: a) an initial phase of landnám (“land-taking”) and society building (circa 850 to 1000 AD), when elites established themselves in choice places in coastal lowlands developing systems of economic exploitation and political control over more numerous and often much more marginally placed clients; b) a period of consolidation and reorganisation (from circa 1000 to 1300 AD), which saw the unravelling and readjustment of some of the economic strategies adopted at the beginning of settlement and an escalation in political conflict; and c) a period of stability and/or stagnation (from circa 1300 AD lasting into early modem times) characterized by more stable socio-economic stmctures and generally conservative responses to extemal change, whether climate cooling, plague or market opportunities. Population growth, renewed interior settlement and an increase in market-oriented economic production only began in the 19th and early 20th centuries (Dupont-Hébert 2012; Karlsson 2000; Róbertsdóttir 2008). Recent archaeological research provides indications that Iceland’s farming economy was not always entirely well adapted, both in terms of its productivity during climatically harsh periods and in terms of its unintended landscape impacts. A series of notable climatic challenges are now demonstrated by regional multi-proxy syntheses of climate data (Dugmore et al 2009, Mann et al 2009; Patterson et al 2010) including markedly greater inter-annual climate variability after 1300, the sudden onset of summer coastal pack ice conditions in south Greenlandic and Icelandic waters from circa 1275 to 1300, (Ogilvie and Jónsdóttir 2000; Ogilvie et al. 2009), a series of cold summers followed by a series of very cold winters in the mid 14th century and atmospheric circulation changes resulting in greater storminess by ca. 1425. A second phase of climate variability and cooling brought summer pack ice to northern Iceland during 72
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Archaeologia Islandica

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