Málfríður - 15.10.2011, Page 5

ing about positive self-esteem, interest and responsibil-
ity. English is “just a fun language, it’s different from
Icelandic.” Some class tasks are fun: “Yes, it’s fun to get
to browse on the Net”, and “We were in fits of laughter,
the whole class, we were all laughing, and it was so
silly and funny and I thought it was really good fun”.
Apart from general enjoyment, students also experi-
ence a boost to their self-esteem. Bogi, who had failed
some subjects, “sailed through” his English courses.
When asked to self-assess their proficiency (no-one
was asked about grades!) participants made comments
such as “I’ve always been very good at English”, “I
don’t find English difficult”, and even “I don’t think
I really need to improve, not very much”. This belief
in their own language ability at school gives students
a sense of superiority to learners of English in other
countries:
I think there are quite a lot of people who speak
English in France, of course not very well, but you
can understand them.
Students also like the fact that they attain acceptable
grades in English with little effort. Soffía describes
the level of effort she puts into learning English: “Not
very much in English. I somehow feel I know English
well”. As she goes on to explain how hard she works
when necessary, it seems that Soffía is prepared to put
in effort, but does not often have to do so in English.
Self-confidence in social interaction is also gained
through English studies at school. Group work based
on different combinations of students is good because
“some people of course find it difficult to make friends
to give a “true” picture of students’ views. However,
following the tenets of interpretive phenomenology, I
hope that “they are plausible given the data” (Bogdan
& Biklen, 2003, p. 24).
Data was analysed using open and focused coding
(Charmaz, 2006). Prior to analysis, I had anticipated
seeing a clear distinction between practical and per-
sonal relevance. I expected, for example, that students
might mention the practical content of English classes
(for example, learning to write letters of complaint)
or that study material were linked to their own per-
sonal interests. However, after only a few interviews, it
became clear that English studies at secondary school
affected students in so many different ways that I
would have to go beyond a simple “practical/person-
al” distinction to discuss the significance of English to
young Icelanders.
It seemed that there were four broad areas in which
English was relevant to secondary school students.
With reference to the work of Markus and Nurius
(1986) and Dörnyei (2005, 2009) I chose to call them the
Inner Self, the Learning Self, the International Self, and
the “English” Self. Figure 1. shows this tentative “four-
self” model.
The Inner Self
There appears to be a striking link between English
at school and enjoyment. The English classroom itself
seems to be a good place to be, and students express
positive feelings in interviews far more than negative
ones. English classes are fun and largely stress-free,
with few students mentioning anxiety, and many talk-
MÁLFRÍÐUR 5
Figure 1. The “four-self” model of relevance.
Four selves: Aspects of perceived
relevance of English studies to Icelandic
secondary school students
Learning Self
1. English proficiency
2. New knowledge
3. Learning skills
and social skills
4. Teacher
responsibility
5. Circumstances
of learning
English Self
1.Entertainment and
information
2. Family, friends and
foreigners in Iceland
3. Language identity
4. English used in
interviews
International Self
1. Countries mentioned
2. Study abroad
3. English as a
stepping-stone
4. General travel
abroad and tourism
Inner Self
1. Enjoyment
2. Self-concept and
self-evaluation
3. Interest
4. Student responsibility
Menntakvika_AnnaJeeves_FourSelf.mmap - 31/10/2010 - Mindjet