Archaeologia Islandica - 01.01.2002, Qupperneq 103

Archaeologia Islandica - 01.01.2002, Qupperneq 103
Enduring Impacts: Viking Age Settlement in Iceland and Greenland we should be careful not to submerge these distinctions through the use of anal- ogy with later and better documented periods. We should also be aware of later medieval differences between the devel- opment of Iceland and Greenland. While there are clear similarities in the econo- my and society of later medieval Iceland and Greenland, there are again also sig- nificant differences. Icelandic animal bone assemblages become increasingly dominated by fish bones from the 14th century onwards, while the Greenlandic bone assemblages remain dominated by seals and caribou. No Greenlandic bish- op was ever a native Greenlander, while native-born Icelanders frequently held episcopal offices in Iceland from the 11 th century onwards. The Icelandic aristoc- racy forged strong links with English and continental merchants in the 15th century at the same time as the Greenlandic colony became more and more isolated. While some direct analogies between the prehistoric settlement period and the historic period that followed and between Iceland and Greenland are clearly possi- ble and profitable, caution and clear labeling of assumptions is also clearly in order. While we will continue the tradi- tion of direct comparison between Greenland and Iceland, we would like to emphasize the need for more formal con- sideration of the sequence of events and decisions that placed these two related colonies on what was to prove very dif- ferent developmental trajectories. Importance of Early Settlement The decisions made by the first genera- tions of settlers were of critical impor- tance for later developments in both islands (Amorosi et al. 1997, McGovem et al. 1988, Smith 1995, Keller 1991). First settlers in Iceland (traditionally arriving ca. AD 870) and Greenland (tra- ditionally ca. AD 985) apparently had lit- tle contact with any prior Celtic or Paleo- eskimo inhabitants, and thus based their initial settlement and subsistence deci- sions entirely upon the pool of options and experience they imported from Europe along with their domestic ani- mals and plants (and a host of uninten- tionally imported mice, insects, and wild plant species - Sadler 1991). The conver- sion of shrub forests into grassy pastures and hayfields was thus an ecological experiment performed without long term knowledge of local conditions, and cer- tainly condtioned by expectations formed in the critically different environments of Norway and the British Isles. Limited knowledge of local soils, plants, climatic variability and possible human and supematural threats was for a time com- bined with broadly unconstrained oppor- tunities to name, catagorize, claim and exploit a culturally blank landscape and seascape. The choices of the landnám (lit. “land taking”) generation thus had reso- nance for good or ill throughout all the subsequent history of political, econom- ic, and environmental interactions in both islands. Over the succeeding 1100 years, these interactions proved intense and often disastrous. The Greenland colony became entirely extinct by the mid 15th century (Arneborg 1996), while the Icelandic society became economically and socially stagnant and perilously vul- 101
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