Archaeologia Islandica - 01.01.2002, Page 131

Archaeologia Islandica - 01.01.2002, Page 131
Enduring Impacts: Viking Age Settlement in Iceland and Greenland the leader of a neighboring settlement was forced to emulate him if he was not going to be completely overshadowed by the former’s growing power based on a high number of dependent families. In this way it is perfectly possible that the process of landnám in both Iceland and Greenland was not so much driven by population or other pressures in the home-country (i.e. Norway and the Scottish isles for Iceland, Iceland for Greenland) but to a large extent by the political needs of a relatively small group of early settlers to consolidate their set- tlements and land claims by rapidly fill- ing their freshly defmed landscapes with dependent farmers. It is precisely this that medieval Icelandic traditions claim for Eiríkr rauði, who was supposed to have named Greenland in an effort to recruit settlers with a name attractive to pasture-hungry late lOth century Icelanders (Viðar Hreinsson ed. 1997, vol. 1, 3). The available evidence therefore sug- gests that the colonization of both Iceland and Greenland was carried out by groups led by men of the Skallagrímr type, who claimed larger areas than they could possibly farm or make use of them- selves and planted small farmers on less accessible and poorer quality land who became their economic dependants and/or political followers. This pattern may be reflected in the character of later medieval land holding in both Iceland and Norway. In this economic system landowners made do with collecting a proportion of the produce as rent from their tenants without either directly man- aging the dependent farms or affecting the existing settlement pattern (Widgren 1997, esp. 34-37). This is in distinct con- trast to the land holding system in England, France and Germany, where signeurial intervention in settlement planning was often far more extensive, and where direct management of hold- ings (especially ecclesiastical) was not uncommon. The anomalous situation of Garðar in Greenland in the later Middle Ages may reflect both the success of an early Nordic Skallagrímr and the mana- gerial training of the suceeding bishops and bishops’ stewards in the 12th-14th century, as well as the executive power of the church versus that of the laymen who had to maintain their power by means of more direct bonds and allies. If the Skallagrímr strategy of wide claims and specialized single-purpose settlements is an at least partly accurate memory of the wild days of fírst settle- ment, it is clear that only a small number of settlement leaders would have had the administrative capacity to run such vast estates for sustained periods. However, it is also clear that despite their structural management problems, elites at sites like Hofstaðir were early able to fill substan- tial feasting halls and to accommodate large feasts providing their guests with a rich variety of foodstuflfs in an impres- sive setting. The lOth-early 1 lth c. hall at Hofstaðir totalled over 200 sq meters in floor area (Adolf Friðriksson & Orri Vésteinsson 1997), while the floor area of an average sized holding (such as Granastaðir, Bjarni Einarsson 1994) would be in the 55-60 square meter range. This massive turf structure would have consumed an estimated 2000 sq 129
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