The Icelandic Canadian - 01.12.2008, Side 26

The Icelandic Canadian - 01.12.2008, Side 26
24 THE ICELANDIC CANADIAN Vol. 62 #1 consciously, he/she was making an attempt to reach a much wider language territory than was within immediate reach. Without being fully aware of it, the poet may have thought of long gone colleagues who, even in the eighth century or somewhat later, had become part of remote antiquity, and whose language domain had been Old Germanic in its almost undivided form. In theme, the Volund poem is, as the other poems of The Poetic Edda, without territo- rial constraints. Yet the Nordic tongue in which it was composed must have had narrow boundary lines in terms of both language and geogra- phy. On the level of expression, the author of the Volund poem, and some other Nordic poets of the same period, could nevertheless have felt, consciously or not, that, through their choice of words alone, they were taking steps back in time to reach a larger and more populous language domain than would otherwise have been accessible. Deep down, their objective would then have been similar to that of Chaucer and Shakespeare in England some six or eight centuries later, which was to reach the undivided territory of a certain language and bring to it a degree of unity by drawing on all its vernaculars or dialects. If this comparison makes any sense - in my mind it is a thought rather than a suggestion- the Nordic poets were, to some extent, looking to a domain long since vanished, whereas the English mas- ters had theirs right before them. Shortly before his death in 1241, the Icelandic historian Snorri Sturluson had this to say about his fellow countryman, Ari Porgilsson the Learned, who wrote the first work of history in a Nordic vernacu- lar shortly after 1120: “Priest Ari the Learned ... was the first man in this coun- try to write in the Norse tongue about lore both ancient and modern.” The English designation Norse comes from the Dutch word ‘noors’ which means Norwegian and is often used nowadays, it seems, to deice- landicize medieval Icelandic literature, which explains why I myself never have taken a particular liking to it. Nevertheless, the Icelanders shared their language with people living in the western regions of Norway for quite a long time, or at least until the 15th century, when the Nordic languages or dialects on the European con- tinent were rapidly drifting away from the language which the Danes, Norwegians and Swedes once had in common, and which we still know as Icelandic. Eventually, all this linguistic drift brought about a major shrinkage of the domain of the Icelandic language. On two occasions, the medieval Icelanders carried out explorations beyond their own country with the intent to found settlements in previously unexplored parts of the world. In the summer of 985 or 986 A.D. a fleet of twenty-five ships left the south-west of Iceland for Greenland under the leadership of Eirfkur the Red Torvaldsson where he and his followers eventually established, on the west coast of Greenland, two different settlements with altogether 280 farms. Almost four hundred years later, according to information from Icelandic Annals, the Greenlanders (the Icelanders in Greenland) had a hostile encounter with the natives of Greenland who at that time were moving away from deteriorating climatic conditions in the northern regions of the country into its southern parts in search of less inclement weather. An entry from an Icelandic annal for the year 1379 has this to say: “Skradings (i.e. Inuit people) attacked the Greenlanders, killing eighteen of them and carrying off two boys into captivity.” Nothing is included in this grimly laconic report about the exchange of words or a conflict between two unrelated languages. The last reference to Greenland in the Icelandic Annals is for 1410, when an Icelander returned home after spending four years in Greenland. Since then, Norse or Icelandic people in that country have not been heard from. The matter of language conflict rather than language contact is clearly addressed and sometimes hinted at in the 13th-centu- ry Icelandic Saga of the Greenlanders and the Saga of Eirfkur the Red, the two Vfnland Sagas which in part are about the disovery of Vfnland and subsequent attempts by members of Eirfkur the Red’s family to establish a settlement in what is

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