Málfríður - 15.03.2007, Blaðsíða 17

Málfríður - 15.03.2007, Blaðsíða 17
MÁLFRÍÐUR 17 Beckham pronounced football as [f Ω?b co] and always as [' coweIz] instead of [f Ωtb c:l] and [' clweIz] Last but not least, David Beckham also had TH­Fronting, which means that his [ð] and [θ] sounds were replaced with [f] or [v] in words like through, which Beckham pronounces as [fr Ω:] and another, which Beckham pronounces as [ en vv e]. There were also other characteristics that only appeared once or twice but were not counted as „main characteristics“, and will therefore not be dealt with here. Social Aspects Wells predicted in 1982 that RP would loose its power. There he noted that “[w]ith the loosening of social stratification and the recent trend for people of working­class or lower­middle­class origins to set the fashion in many areas of life, it may be that RP is on the way out.” Further on, he noted that before the end of the 20th century “everyone grow­ ing up in Britain may have some degree of local accent. Or, instead, some new non­localizable but more democratic standard may have arisen from the ashes of RP: if so, it seems likely to be based on popular London English” (Wells 1982: 118). This seems to fit the situation of Estuary English today. Additionally, various professionals have since then noticed RP’s loss of power. Received Pronunciation is the accent that for a long time has been on the top of the hierarchy, although its position is currently being threatened by Estuary English. According to Honey, there are three factors that have helped accents gain their position in the social hierarchy. These are the breadth of the accent, how educated the accent portrays the speaker to be, and the geographical location of the accent. As the gap between standard and the non­standard speech are narrowing, the division between classes in England may also narrow. Estuary English is today gaining on Standard English pronunciation, in terms of popularity and prestige, especially among young people. However, this pronunciation is still considered by some people to be „just lazy speaking“ and „a slobspeak, limp and flaccid […]“ (Maidment 1994). The judgments made on non­standard accents, such as those just men­ tioned, are mainly based on aesthetic ideals, that is, on ideas on what is perceived as well­spokenness, and “well­spokenness” often depends on the social hierarchy. These opinions are a matter of personal opinion and can be harmful to the individual who is being downgraded for his or her accent. This is also the case in many schools today, where teachers are trying to modify children’s accents so that they sound more “pleasant”. This modification can lead to dissatisfaction with one’s own accent, and even “linguistic self­hatred” (Trudgill, 1983: 209). Also on this issue, one has to consider the sounds that are deemed to be ugly do indeed exist in standard pronunciations such as Received Pronunciation. For instance, one can look at the sound [ɑ:] instead of [a Ωe] or [a Ω] in pronunciations like Estuary Eng­ lish’s [ɑ:r] and [ɑ:?] instead of RP’s [a Ωe] and [a Ωt]. The tense vowel [ɑ:] does exist in RP in pronuncia­ tions like [fɑ:r] and [kɑ:m]. Because of this, one may ask oneself, as Honey did in his book Does Accent Matter?, “[w]hy should they suddenly become ugly when they appear in another context?” (Honey 1989: 64). The Future Estuary English has through time affected the Standard English pronunciation, RP, and will con­ tinue to do so. The younger generation will still continue to look for role models, such as David Beckham, who will influence their lives, including their pronunciation. In the same way, people may choose to speak Estuary English in order to sound young and urban. David Beckham, actors, other media personali­ ties, and the society itself is what defines attitudes and feelings towards what is “correct” for them at that specific moment in time, not the institutional terminology and description of how pronunciation of the English language “should” sound. In the end, each individual of the community will develop his or her own version of Estuary English, rather than trying to eliminate RP and the class discrimina­ tion which prevailed towards non­standard accents. Consequently, the Estuary English pronunciation will emerge with RP to form an “’accent continuum’ on a social scale” (Pétur Knútsson, private commu­ nication). References • Altendorf, Ulrike. „Estuary English: is English Going Cockney?“ Moderna Språk XCII (1999): 1­11. 12 June­July 2006. <http://www. phon.ucl.ac.uk/home/estuary/altendf.pdf>. • Haenni, Rudi. The Case of Estuary English: Supposed Evidence. Diss. Univ. of Basel, 1999. 23 June­July 2006. <http://www.phon.ucl. ac.uk/home/estuary/haenni1999.pdf>. • Honey, John. Does Accent Matter? London: Faber and Faber, 1989. • Maidment, John A. „Estuary English: Hybrid or Hype?“ 1994. 11 June­July 2006 <http://www.phon.ucl.ac.uk/home/estuary/maid­ ment.htm>. • Rosewarne, David. „Estuary English.“ Times Educational Supplement (1984). 23 May 2006 <http://www.phon.ucl.ac.uk/home/estuary/ rosew.htm>. • Trudgill, Peter. On Dialect: Social and Geographical Perspectives. Oxford: Blackwell, 1983. • Wells, John C. Accents of English 1: an Introduction. Cambridge: Cambridge UP, 1982.

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