Íslenskt mál og almenn málfræði - 01.01.2000, Side 91

Setningarstaða boðháttarsagna ífornu máli 89
Relevance to the Germanic Verb-Second Phenomenon. Working Papers in
Scandinavian Syntax 50:1-24.
Iversen, Ragnvald. 1973. Norrpn grammatikk. 7. útg. Aschehoug, Osló.
Nida, Eugene A. 1949. Morphology. The Descriptive Analysis of Words. The Uni-
versity of Michigan Press, Ann Arbor.
Nygaard, Marius. 1917. Bemerkninger og rettelser til min Norrön Syntax. Aschehoug,
Osló.
Platzack, Christer. 1986. COMP, INFL and Germanic Word Order. Lars Hellan &
Kirsti Koch Christensen (ritstj.) Topics in Scandinavian Syntax, s. 185-234.
Reidel, Dordrecht.
Platzack, Christer, & Inger Rosengren. 1997. On the Subject of Imperatives: A
Minimalist Account of the Imperative Clause. Journal ofComparative German-
ic Linguistics 1:177-224.
Vikner, Sten. 1997-98. V°-til-I° flytning og personfleksion i alle tempora. íslenskt
mál 19-20:85-132.
^essén, Elias. 1965. Svensk sprákhistoria III. Grundlinjer till en historisk syntax.
Almqvist & Wiksell, Stokkhólmi.
þóra Björk Hjartardóttir. 1993. Getið í eyðurnar. Um eyður fyrir frumlög og andlög í
eldri íslensku. Málvísindastofnun Háskóla íslands, Reykjavík.
Pórhallur Eyþórsson. 1996. Functional Categories, Cliticization, and Verb Movement
in the Early Germanic Languages. Höskuldur Þráinsson, Samuel David Epstein
& Steve Peter (ritstj.) Studies in Comparative Germanic Syntax II, s. 109-139.
Kluwer, Dordrecht.
Pórhallur Eyþórsson. 1997-98. Uppruni sagnfærslu í germönskum málum. íslenskt
mál 19-20:133-180.
SUMMARY
‘Syntactic Position of Imperatives in Old Icelandic’
Keywords: historical syntax, syntactic theory, imperative, embedded clauses, Old
Icelandic
P is a fairly standard assumption that in imperatives, as in yes/no-questions and
arrative Inversion, the finite verb is in C, and an operator of the relevant type is hosted
ln Spec-CP. Therefore, no lexical phrase can be moved to Spec-CP, and hence these
sentence types will be verb-initial on the surface. This analysis also explains why
lhese sentence types do not occur in subordinate clauses, where C° is occupied by the
complementizer so that the verb cannot move there. Despite this, it is not unusual for
'mperative verbs in Old Icelandic to stand in the second position in main clauses, pre-
ceded either by the subject or by some adverbial. Furthermore, Old Icelandic exhibits
a number of subordinate clauses with imperative verbs. Such sentences are still