Álit: tímarit löggiltra endurskoðenda - 01.01.1993, Side 13

Álit: tímarit löggiltra endurskoðenda - 01.01.1993, Side 13
usually as easy as trying to get an agreement with one govemment, through one cabinet. And I am told that the Reykjavík city council meetings are something to behold as well. Sometimes involvement is seen as meddling, and it is because it does meddle. It is interventionist in all those areas which the sovereign member states have agreed it should meddle and intervene in, by common agreement. But often of course, that means that one country, at any one time, will be up in arms because we try and go for what is the global answer or what is the most equitable solution, on an European scale. We are not liked. And it is very useful, and has been very useful for member state govemments throughout the 35 year history of the EC to use the Commission very often as the whipping boy. It is much better to blame them over there in Bmssels than to blame the deficiencies of their own administrations back home. I digress, but I was asked to. Let me come back to the EEA. Let me tell you what our next steps are. First is that it remains our firm objective to get the EEA onto the statute book, in the shortest possible time. There will be various estimates as to whether this will be the first of July, first of January of next year or anytime intervening. We have had lot of alarms from the Spanish, trying to link it to Maastricht, to the Belgium govemment changing its own constitution, so that we now have to have the additional protocol, carried not through just central govemment in Bmssels, but through four other provincial govemments as well. And also the rather bizarre quixotic, indecipherable problems occurring in a place called Westminster, which after much study and much discussion, I have to avow I have great difficulty in understanding. Anyway, as far as timing is concemed my guess would be, some point between the first of July and the end of the year. And as I said, there are no substantive issues outstanding at the moment. They are if you like, legislative and administrative issues. And this brings me to the point that of course the EC is a legal entity. You asked me also to look at the question of democracy in the Community or the democratic deficit. And I have to say that there is a whole load of nonsense often talked about the democratic deficit. Because ultimately, it is member state govemments, it is the elected govemments of those countries that are the final decision makers. The issue has blown up, because it is national parliaments that ultimately decide to the great distress of the federalists who want that power invested in the European parliament. The debate is between powers of the national parliament and the European parliament. And ultimately it is the people that decide. And there is no better illustration or example of that, than in what happened in Denmark with it's referendum last year on the Maastricht treaty. So for the commission, we cannot impose the additional protocol of the EEA on member state govemments. It has to go through all eighteen parliaments. And it is this fundamental respect for law which remains the guiding principle of the Community. It is the respect for the right and not might. So our work program from now on is going to be, as soon as the EEA is in force, to look and bring into the EEA treaty all the legislation that has being passed by the Community after 1. August 1991. If you remember that was a cutoff point. But there has been a lot going on in the Community since that date. That will have to be brought under the EEA treaty. Secondly it is the ongoing management of the agreement itself, and that will be very considerable. Let me remind you of the objective. The continuous and balanced strengthening of trade and economic relations with equal conditions of competition and respect of the same rules. And we are entering a rather different way of treating relations between countries. In the past all relations between the EFTA states and the Community were bilateral. Each country negotiated separately. Now for the first time, EFTA has to negotiate as a collective entity. In unity, in conformity one with each other, and for us too, that represents something of a novelty. We have to deal with EFTA countries now together, and not separately one by one. And I think perhaps insufficient attention has been given to that in a lot of the writing about the EEA, that it will be very difficult. It constitutes a new approach. All this also means of course that, although the existing free trade agreements between individual countries and the EC will remain in force, there will only be limited bilateral discussions and those essentially will deal with agriculture and in the case of Iceland and Norway with fish, which are not covered by the free trade agreements and only very partially by the EEA itself. I would like to make a few other additional comments, which might perhaps not be included in other contributions. These perhaps are more personal rather than representative of any developed Commission view. I think that the EEA increasingly will be seen as yesterday’s business. I do not mean not important, I said that the objective is to get it through as quickly as possible. But among member states and other EFTA countries, it will increasingly be seen as yesterday's business. I think political 13

x

Álit: tímarit löggiltra endurskoðenda

Direkte link

Hvis du vil linke til denne avis/magasin, skal du bruge disse links:

Link til denne avis/magasin: Álit: tímarit löggiltra endurskoðenda
https://timarit.is/publication/1258

Link til dette eksemplar:

Link til denne side:

Link til denne artikel:

Venligst ikke link direkte til billeder eller PDfs på Timarit.is, da sådanne webadresser kan ændres uden advarsel. Brug venligst de angivne webadresser for at linke til sitet.