Editiones Arnamagnæanæ. Series B - 01.06.1962, Blaðsíða 173
clxxi
(masc.) 131, huer (fem.) 13u, hueria 258, huerium 233.
Other examples of the change ve>vö are kuoldit 106,
huorgi ll11, huorssu 1912, but note huerssu 384 etc.
Before -ng, ei is always written for older e, e.g. leingi
71, geingit 810, streing 147, Einglande 298.
ei is regularly written for older e before -gi- and -gj-,
e.g. fleiginn l6, seigia 46, meige 2712. This development
can also be seen to have been adopted by analogy into
other forms of the words that have some forms with -gi-
or -gj-, i.e. before g followed by another letter or where
g ends the word, e.g. seig 98, meiga 1311 but note seg
910 (cf. Bandle 46-47). The change has not taken place
in þegit 41.
There are many examples of the development é>ie but
the spelling is not consistent and there does not seem
to be any system behind the distinctions. With ie are
found, e.g. hiet l9, hiedan 65, sie 67, liet 295, lierept 241.
ér is often represented by i with a following -er symbol,
e.g. sier 813, uier 64, sier 26. With e are found, e.g. hedan
74, se 3616 let l6, red 1 \fe 411.
e is replaced by i in uignar 1012.
The adjective mikill is written several times in full
with an i, e.g. mikill 25, 32, mikit T but in contracted
forms i>y. mycklar 308 and myklum 3 625 are the only
two recorded examples.
Original i is represented by y in Eykundar 3010 but
as this is a foreign place-name and the only instance of
confusion between i and y, the y may simply be the
result of a scribal error.
Palatalisation is indicated in the spelling by an i between
g or k and œ, e.g. skiœru l7, kiœme l8, agiœtasta 164
but this phenomenon is not consistent. There is one
instance without the i, kœme 109.
The negative prefix is always written o and is usually
separate from the word to which it belongs, e.g. o kyr
2014, o feigum 25°, o kunna 285, but once okater 3016.