Fróðskaparrit - 01.01.2006, Qupperneq 77

Fróðskaparrit - 01.01.2006, Qupperneq 77
SAMLEIKAGERÐ í NÝTSLUMENTANINI HJÁ BØRNUM 75 sumption (both mundane and out of the or- dinary) serves as a symbolic resource of great importance to individual and group identity construction (Elliott and Wattana- suwan, 1998). The question is therefore, whether one can assume that this literature on identity and consumption equally applies to children as consumers. In one study Kjeldgaard (2003: 285) found that youngsters are active in con- structing their identities through consump- tion yet, the “...global and local structures also determine the resources and thereby the identity possibilities available”. This means that when constructing their identities chil- dren cannot simply construct any identity of their pick. There are various structural as- pects, such as where they live and the con- sumer goods available, which present them with a limited set of choices. Whilst this equally applies to adults there is no doubt that children’s low power/low status posi- tion in society can present them with a whole different set of consumption limitations compared to adults. Scientific consumer socialization Research in scientific consumer socializa- tion has produced a plethora of studies on issues such as children’s understanding of advertising, the influence of parental com- munication on consumer development; shopping skills and product knowledge (see John, 1999 for a review). Whilst such stud- ies are of value, much scientific consumer socialization research to date can be heav- ily criticised on arange offronts. Firstly, be- cause scientifíc consumer socialization focuses on development it becomes future- orientated in nature paying little attention to children’s consumption worlds at pres- ent (Archard, 1993). Secondly, whilst it is acknowledged that children are a group that may need special protection due to their low power status in society, the emphasis has been on children’s /7?abilities, /7/competen- cies and ////maturity (Hill and Tisdall, 1997). Thirdly, scientifíc consumer socialization is based on theory which considers child de- velopment to be predominantly innate - or born with. In other words, children are the- orized as standard or predictable beings (Dittmar, 1992). Lastly, consumer develop- ment is treated as a series of pre-determined developmental stages children progress through one after the other (John, 1999). The net result of this tlieory is a fíxed linear model which does not deal with differences between children but assumes a universal model applicable to all children in all places. As a result writers from the scientifíc con- sumer socialization perspective have con- sistently failed to explore what consumption means to (especially younger) children de- spite the fact that social psychology has long acknowledged the importance of posses- sions to young children in their development (Dittmar, 1992). It is evident that to address these shortcomings and further understand- ing of children’s cultures of consumption an- other approach is required. One such approach which stands in contrast to scien- tifíc consumer socialization is that of child- hood studies which we turn to now. Childhood studies' and identity The importance of childhood identities has been addressed by numerous writers in the
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