Fróðskaparrit - 01.01.2006, Qupperneq 107

Fróðskaparrit - 01.01.2006, Qupperneq 107
BYGDADVØL- HVÍ UNGFÓLK BÚSETAST í FØROYSKUM BYGDUM 105 the near future. In a Faroese village one will always be able to know (by gossip) which People will become one’s neighbours, and as many of these people may originate from the same village that they settle in, they will naturally start to construe myths on their fu- ture neighbourship when meeting at the su- Permarked, at the kindergarden (if they al- ready have children of their own), at birth- day-parties or in the sports- or knitting- clubs. It is interesting to see that young peo- Ple start to engage in symbolic investments 'n their future home; an investment that may ln turn yield social capital that can become useful in the future, both for practical rea- sons but also in order to sustain an ontolog- lcal security. Theoretical extract'. The discoursive pro- duction of dwelling-myths is an important Pail of the (re)production of the dwelling- Place. Not only is it a way to rationalize °ne’s own settlement; it is also an impor- tant identity-strategy. As mentioned in an carlier section settlement is an important part °í the identity-formation. This is not neces- Sanly something new, but in a mobile age it becomes an increasingly aesthetic and re- flcxive practice that is not only mediated hirough corporeal relations but also through Tiyths and images that are reflected in e.g. tllc media. Iniaginations on the future dwelling ^ne thing is mythologizing a place or a vil- |agc; another thing is what the concrete llnaginations on the future dwelling might be- lt is interesting to observe tbat one of the core imaginations is that it will become a good and safe place for the children. At first this may seem obvious, as one should asssume that a core element of (future) par- enthood is taking care of the offspring. Nev- ertheless, looking at the reasons for this, one finds out that this seemingly altruistic ra- tionale on giving the children a good and safe childhood is actually also an aesthetic quality of the (future) dwelling. It is not just the fact that the young settlers will be able to give their children a good and save child- hood that matters; it is also the embedding into an “aesthetic community” that matters, watching happy, playing children being one of the important aesthetic moments of a beautiful evening. This aesthetic community is a guarantee that one will not experience social extrava- ganza that might jeopardize the coherent mythology of thc place or even become an everyday-practical burden (dysfunctional neigbours etc.), i.e. not only an aesthetic problem, but even a practical probleni. One often supposes that youth seeks social ex- travaganza and new social fields that are ex- citing and potentially emancipatory, but this is not the case for those who want to live in the village. For those young people that de- cide not to move away, settlement in a Faroese village is in many ways an invest- ment in the safety of social conformity. Not because this is existentially necessery, but because it is “funny”. “Funny” (in vulgar- Faroese: “skeg”) may seem as a funny word to use in this context, but this is actually the term being used to describe the relevance and signicance of the imagined reciprocal sociality, that has been ripped off from its origin of rnutual dependency and distilled into imagination. This means that the social
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