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SUMMARY
In this article agreement in Icelandic finite clauses is studied. The central claim
of the article is that both finite verb agreement and nominative predicate agreement
(of adjectives and past participles) are independent of grammatical functions, that is,
neither type of agreement is in any way conditioned by subjecthood of the agreement
controller (and hence not by a Spec-head agreement relation between Infl and the
agreement controller). Instead, agreement in finite clauses is conditioned by both the
content and the case of the NP controlling the agreement. First, the NP must have
either semantic content (i.e. not be purely deictic) or some marked inflectional feature
(Oplural], etc.). Second, it must be nominative, agreement thus sometimes being
controlled by nominative objects and nominative NP predicates (in the absence of a
subject that is capable of controlling agreement). More specifically, it is claimed that
agreement is conditioned by a nominative case path between Infl and the NP controlling
the agreement (and an agreeing nominative predicate, if it is present), the agreement