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Rejlexes of I.-E. *suH2nto-/-ön
e.g. Benediktsson (1967:7 — 31) suggests a paradigm with nom.sg. -ön,
gen. sg. -n-e/os, loc.sg. -en-(i), and similarly Szemerényi (1980:154)
proposes a paradigm with nom.sg. -ön, gen.sg. -(e)n-os, loc.sg. -en-i,
nom.pl. -en-es. It was shown above how Gmc. *sunnö could derive its
-nn- from a gen.sg. with zero grade of the n-suffíx, i.e. *sunnez <
*sunþnez. Similarly, Toch. B swáhco may have replaced an earlier
*swánto on the analogy of forms (loc.sg., nom.pl.) with c-grade of the
suffix (cf. Goth. dat.sg. sunninl). The regular stem form in these cases
would be *swáhc- through palatalization before -en-.
That is to say, Toch. B swáhco stands for earlier *swánto which is an
exact equivalent of Gmc. *sunþö, later replaced by *sunnö.u
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Feist, Sigmund. 1939. Vergleichendes Wörterbuch der gotischen Sprache. 3. Aufl. Leiden.
Hamp, Eric P. 1975. Indo-European *áu before consonant in British and Indo-European
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Hoffmann, Karl. 1975. Ved. dhánus- undpárus-. Aufsátze zur Indoiranistik. Band I, p.
327-337. Wiesbaden.
12 B swáhciye has secondarily exchanged the final -o for -iye (cf. prosko, proskiye),
whereas A swáhcem has secondarily added an n-extension to the stem *swáhcai-, cf. B
obl.sg. swáhcai.
131 wish to thank Prof. Hreinn Benediktsson for valuable comments on an earlier
version of this paper.