Archaeologia Islandica - 01.01.2011, Qupperneq 64

Archaeologia Islandica - 01.01.2011, Qupperneq 64
ADOLF FRIÐRIKSSON AND ORRI VÉSTEINSSON with, and caused by, the change in religion of their users. It is entirely possible that the trend towards fewer cemeteries had started already in the pagan period and that many of the very small cemeteries observed were abandoned not because of a change in religion but because of other developments. These developments, we suggest, related to the interconnected issues of a gradually increasing sense of security and belonging in a new country and of a gradual forging of community ties, involving both interdependencies and hierarchical relations. We suspect that the pattems we have observed in the burial data have as much to do with these sorts of issues as with the change of religion although the conversion no doubt sped up, or, if the reduction in cemetery numbers had not begun, facilitated a change for which there was already fertile ground. Secondly the essential difference between the pagan and Christian burial paradigms is that the former reflects liminality and the other centrality. Both can be seen as aspects of the same conceptualisation of landscape. In the pagan burial paradigm burials are located on borders of various types, property boundaries as well as more subjective limits both within farms as well as beyond inhabited areas (as evidenced by highland burials such as Öxnadalsheiði and Hólaskógur - Eldjám 2000, 83-85, 140-41), in addition to routes. Potential burial locations can accordingly be described as a grid, where the significance of each actual cemetery is not its association with the farm (as we habitually assume) but rather its location on the grid. The poor fit between rich burials and high status farms (Eldjám 2000, 303-304) may indicate that the association of an individual buried in a pagan grave to the farm which the cemetery is nearest to may not necessarily be that of habitation. Once an ideological change dictated that cemeteries should not be located on borders but rather that they needed to be directly associated with what were perceived as centres of settlement it is revealed that many of the small farms which had had their own pagan cemeteries were in fact considered to be satellites. The import of the ideological change is of course key here. We suspect it involves a shift away from exclusion and marginalisation of the dead from the world of the living to their inclusion, almost an appropriation, into the world of the living. These are admittedly tentative ideas that will need more elaboration and factual support to take flight. We present them here as challenge to ourselves to improve on and for others to refute. Bibliography Byock, Jesse, Phillip Walker, Jon Erlandson, Per Holck, Davide Zori, Magnús Guðmundsson & Mark Tveskov 2005, ‘A Viking age valley in Iceland: The Mosfell archaeological project.’ Medieval Archaeology 49, 195-218. Diplomatarium lslandicum eða Islenzkt fornbréfasafn IXVI, Copenhagen and Reykjavík 1853-1976. Eldjám, Kristján 1957, ‘Kapelluhraun og Kapellulág.’ Arbók hins íslenzka fomleifafélags 1955-56, 534. Eldjám, Kristján 1964, ‘Fomkristnargrafirá Jarðbrú í Svarfaðardal.’ Arbók hins íslenzka fornleifafélags 1963, 96-99. Eldjárn, Kristján 1974, ‘Kirkjurúst á Krossi á Skarðsströnd.’ Arbók hins íslenzka fomleifafélags 1973, 142-144. Eldjám, Kristján 2000, Kuml og haugfé úr heiðnum sið á Islandi, 2nd ed. by Adolf Friðriksson, Mál og menning: Reykjavík. Friðriksson, Adolf 2004a, ‘The Topography of Iron Age Burials in Iceland.’ ed. G. Guðmundsson, Current issues in Nordic Archaeology. Proceedings of the llst conference of Nordic Archaeologists 6-9 September 2001 Akureyri 62
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Archaeologia Islandica

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