Íslenskt mál og almenn málfræði - 01.01.1986, Síða 64

62
Höskuldur Þráinsson og Kristján Árnason
3. Frásagnartexti notaður um allt land í RÍN
(brot úr yfirlitstexta)
Það var miðvikudagsmorgunn og Bjarni litli Guðmundsson var að selja blöð niðri í
miðbæ. Þetta var að haustlagi, þokukúfur á Esjunni og hálfgerð nepja. Ásmundur
vinur Bjarna hafði ekki orðið samferða honum eins og venjulega vegna þess að hann
hafði dottið á hjólinu sínu og meitt sig eitthvað. . . .
(Sjá hjá Sigurði Jónssyni o. fl. 1986:32)
4. Frásagnartexti notaður á Norðurlandi í RÍN
(brot úr sértexta)
Margir unglingar iðka íþróttir. Sumir eru í handbolta eða fótbolta, aðrir kasta
kringlu eða varpa kúlu. En það er ekki bara ungt fólk sem reynir að liðka sig í
íþróttum. Gamalt fólk reynir til dæmis að busla ogskvampa í sundlaugunum. Það er
víst líka hollt. . . .
(Sjá hjá Sigurði Jónssyni o. fl. 1986:29)
SUMMARY
This is basically a descriptive paper reporting on a part of a larger dialect study. The
study as a whole aims at a description of all phonetic or phonological dialect features
in Modern Icelandic, their geographical distribution, relation to age groups, social
factors etc. and with a special comparison with a previous dialectal study by Björn
Guðfinnsson in the 1940s. The present paper reports on a part of the results from the
Skagafjörður district in Northern Iceland.
The first part of the paper describes the research methods and procedures in some
detail. The second part discusses the status of five dialectal features, namely the
so-called voiced pronunciation of /, m, n, ð before p, t, k\ the „hard“ or aspirated
pronunciation of intervocalic p, t, k\ the feature where words like liafði, sagði are
pronounced with a stop (b and g, respectively) before the ð (most speakers have a
voiced fricative in this position); the feature where words like kringla are pro-
nounced with a stop (g) between the (velar) nasal and the / (most speakers drop the
stop there); and finally the dialectal feature where speakers pronounce a stop
(k) instead of a fricative (*) before í where the spelling for instance has an x (buxur).
The results indicate that some of these dialectal features are about to disappear
(most notably the „voiced pronunciation" and the bð-, gð-pronunciation),
whereas others are holding ground better (the „hard pronunciation" and the ngl-
pronunciation) or appear to be recent innovations (the fcí-pronunciation). The au-
thors have discussed possible (linguistic and sociolinguistic) reasons for such differ-
ences in the fate of dialectal features in earlier publications. They refer to those here
(cf. the bibliography) and promise a fuller account when more of the dialectal mat-
erial has been studied.
Háskóla íslands,
Reykjavík.