Uppeldi og menntun - 01.07.2015, Qupperneq 101
UPPELDI OG MENNTUN/ICELANDIC JOURNAL OF EDUCATION 24(2) 2015 101
KRISTÍN BJÖRNSDÓTTIR & STEINDÓR JÓNSSON
this, in inclusive research, people with intellectual disabilities play an active role as
instigators, interviewers, data analyzers, or authors (Walmsley & Johnson, 2003).
Inclusive research covers two major disability research traditions of emancipatory and
participatory research. Both of these approaches share the goal of improving disa-
bled people’s lives and providing them with more power over the research process
(Barnes, 2001; Park, 1993). Inclusive research is an attempt to get people with intellec-
tual disabilities more actively involved in research. In inclusive research, people with
intellectual disabilities are not viewed as passive research subjects. Instead they have
opportunities to participate in the research process, often taking on valued social roles
as co-researchers (Walmsley & Johnson, 2003). What distinguishes inclusive research
practices from the emancipatory and participatory models is a shared control over the
research process and outcomes which enables a broader group of people to be actively
involved in research. This has led to a more balanced collaboration and partnership
between academics and research participants, and people with intellectual disabilities
are now increasingly being involved in the research process (Björnsdóttir & Svens-
dóttir, 2008; Docherty et al., 2005; Hreinsdóttir, Stefánsdóttir, Lewthwaite, Ledger, &
Shufflebotham, 2006).
The idea for this article comes from Steindór who, after collaborating on various
research projects, highlighted a need to explore social (in)equality in Iceland. Our
earlier research findings had suggested that disabled people, and particularly those
with intellectual disabilities, lack access to key services such as education, transport,
housing, and recreation (Björnsdóttir, 2009). This article, a theoretical reflection, is the
result of our collaboration and joint exploration of social (in)equality in Iceland. On
the one hand, the significance of this reflection rests on the origin of the idea which
comes from a person who has been labeled as having intellectual disabilities and, on
the other, on the collaborative production of knowledge.
Results are based on discussions between Steindór and Kristín and incorporate
several steps of shared analysis and interpretation. Firstly, we familiarized ourselves
with Sen’s (1992, 2000) capability approach and it was Kristín’s responsibility to
make this accessible to us both. Kristín would read Sen’s work and write summa-
ries and outlines which we discussed in person and via Skype. Secondly, we came
up with the three questions to guide our reflections. Thirdly, we sought answers in
national and international publications, as well as public documents, on the subject
of inequalities e.g., from ministries, the United Nations, and Statistics Iceland. Since
Steindór has advanced computer skills it was his responsibility to gather most
of the documents and locate the web pages needed. We also used research
reports published by the University of Iceland and media coverage on the subject of
disability (using search terms such as disability and disability pensioners). Fourthly,
since employment, education, and housing were identified as key areas for discussion
in a recent report on the services disabled people receive from different municipalities
in Iceland (Ministry of Welfare, 2013), and are also common indicators of social
exclusion measurements, we decided to focus on these areas in our analysis. Kristín
focused on the theoretical aspect of this collaboration and had the responsibility of
constructing the article; both authors, however, had equal control over the outcomes.