Íslenskt mál og almenn málfræði - 01.01.1980, Side 200

198
Janez Oresnik
pairs comprises the basic variant and a non-basic variant (in our
example the basic variant skaltu and the non-basic variant skalt). The
rules are formulated so that the non-basic variants are derived from the
basic variant (in our example skalt is derived from skaltu by the clip-
ping of the final u of skaltu). If some derivational rule of this pro-
venance is applied to a verbal form that did not participate in the
original formulation of the rule, a new form may come into being as a
result. (E.g. if the rule formulated above on the basis of skaltu and skalt
is applied to the long form lestu, a new form lest is produced.)
1.2
To lend plausibility to the above account, the crucial part of which
is the assertion that the long forms (e.g. skaltu) are the basic variants of
the 2. p. sg., I will now discuss a morphological case similar to lest and
ferð, viz. the so-called clipped imperative.5
In Icelandic it is necessary to distinguish between morphological and
syntactic variants of the imperative singular. The morphological variants
consist of only one word each, e.g. kalla(ðu), whereas the syntactic
variants consist of a morphological variant accompanied by the non-
suffixed pronoun þú, e. g. kalla þú. We will concentrate on the morpho-
logical variants.
There are three morphological variants of the imperative singular:
the short, the long, and the clipped imperatives.
The short imperative has no ending; it consists of the verbal root or
stem alone. Examples: kom, tak, kalla, þegi of koma, taka, kalla, þegja.
The long imperative = the short imperative + the suffixed personal
pronoun þú. Examples: kondu <C komdu, taktu, kallaðu, þegiðu. The
long imperative is the prevailing imp. sg. form of modem informal Ice-
landic. (Also of modern formal Icelandic, with special provisos for
biblical language, for other very formal usage, and for certain standing
expressions, where the short imperative is also to be found.)
The clipped imperative = the long imperative minus its final u.
Examples: kond, takt, gerð, leggð of koma, taka, gera, leggja.6 * 8
5 What follows about the imperative is in some respects a summary of OreSnik
1980, which paper should also be consulted for the philological detail concerning
the clipped imperatives.
8 Imperatives such as kallað, þegið probably do not exist. The clipped impera-