Íslenskt mál og almenn málfræði - 01.01.2016, Blaðsíða 50

On the other hand, such a semantic difference is absent when there is a change in the case
of the NP, i.e. a change from oblique to nominative case (Nominative Substitution) or
from nominative to oblique case (Impersonalization).
Syntactic tests can be used to show that, in Modern Icelandic, NPs with weather verbs
are subjects, irrespective of whether they are in nominative or oblique case. It is more diffi-
cult to establish the subject properties of the relevant NPs in Old Icelandic, although noth -
ing contradicts such an analysis. Finally, it can be mentioned that even when weather verbs
occur on their own there are indications that they take a covert argument (quasi subject).
This is apparent in certain types of infinitive clauses and in second conjuncts in which a
covert subject is assumed to occur in conjunction reduction.
A comparison of weather verbs in Modern and Old Icelandic reveals a great deal of
stability in the course of time. In all periods of the language the verbs can occur either
single or with an NP. The clausal position of the finite verb is constant, being restricted to
second position in the neutral word order. The main difference between the two language
stages is the use in Modern Icelandic of the expletive það (EXPL) and the quasi subject
hann (QS), shown in (iv) and (v) respectively.
(iv) a. Það rignir í dag.
EXPL rains today
‘It rains today.’
b. Í dag rignir (*það).
today rains EXPL
‘Today it rains.’
The expletive (which we analyze as a filler or a placeholder) emerges in the 16th century
and is an instantiation of a more general syntactic change. The quasi subject hann, by con-
trast, is almost exclusively confined to weather expressions (hence often labeled weather-
hann). It has a parallel in other Nordic languages and first shows up in Icelandic in the 18th
century. Weather-hann is different from the expletive in so far as it can either precede or
follow the finite verb, whereas the expletive can only occur clause-initially preceding a
finite verb. In the past few decades a tendency has been observed whereby the expletive
appears after a finite verb. Such usage is far from being widespread as yet, but may suggest
that the expletive is beginning to turn into a quasi subject.
Sigríður Sæunn Sigurðardóttir
Department of Linguistics
Ghent University
B-9000 Gent
Sigridur.Sigurdardottir@UGent.be
Sigríður Sæunn Sigurðardóttir og Þórhallur Eyþórsson50
Þórhallur Eyþórsson
Deild erlendra tungumála,
bókmennta og málvísinda
Háskóla Íslands
Nýja-Garði
IS-101 Reykjavík
tolli@hi.is
(v) a. Hann rignir í dag.
QS rains today
‘It is raining today.’
b. Í dag rignir hann.
today rains QS
‘Today it is raining.’