Ritröð Guðfræðistofnunar - 01.01.1990, Blaðsíða 239

Trúarlíf íslendinga
considered this inappropriate. 8% of the respondents favored the formation
of a Christian political party.
Identification with the church, and confídence in it as an institution, did
not correlate with the interest which people took in politics but did have some
relation to their political orientation. Expectations toward the church as an
active force in society was, however, related both to interest in politics and
political orientation. People with a rightist political orientation favor strength-
ening Christian studies in the elementary schools and Christian influence in
day-school programs. People who consider themselves to the right politically
were more interested than others in strengthening the church and more of-
ten considered themselves in agreement with Church tenets. The difference
between political rightists and leftists was seldom more than ten percentage
points, so it is hardly possible to speak of sharp differences in this connection;
indeed, religion is almost never a bone of contention in Icelandic politics. This
comes out in the fact that those who describe themselves as non-believers say
that they do not attempt to influence their children’s religious beliefs, while
only a third of those who profess Christianity say that they make such an at-
tempt. Political rightists are more apt to try to influence their children in this
respect than centrists or leftists. But there appears to be little propagandizing
in the home, either for or against Christianity.
This says very little, however, about the actual influence which parents have
upon their children. Such influence is great whether parents realize it or not.
Psychological studies of religious life have shown that children are influenced
very early by their parents in religious matters, although in the beginning such
influence is strictly emotional. Mothers occupy a special position in these
matters. Half of those who answered the survey question about the person who
had most influenced their religious views said that it had been their mother.
Next in influence came grandparents, who were named by 14% of the respon-
dents. Only 20% of the mothers surveyed said that they had knowingly tried
to influence their children’s religious views.
Women proved to be distinctly more religious than men in most, if not all,
areas covered by the survey; and this accords with findings in other countries.
The gentler values and emotional ties which characterize the traditional role
and station of women have a more natural affínity to the deeper aspects of
religious life than the traditional role and image of males. Some interesting
connections between the religious and political orientations of Icelandic
women emerged. Women who voted for the Women’s Party in 1983 showed
weaker religious commitment than other women; and fewer of them professed
Christianity, accepted the tenets of the church or prayed with their children.
In this, however, the age factor must be considered, as these differences are
partly explained by the fact that the average age of the women who voted for
the Women’s Party is lower than that of women who voted for other parties.
To by far the largest number of respondents, even to those who do not
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