Íslenskt mál og almenn málfræði - 01.01.2021, Qupperneq 155

Íslenskt mál og almenn málfræði - 01.01.2021, Qupperneq 155
Also striking in Figure 4 is the scant number of neoformations found with refer- ence to loanwords first attested in works composed before the 12th century.14 This might indicate that this strategy was somewhat less productive during that period, and that other strategies, chiefly calquing, were preferred. However, this result may also be influenced (and possibly biased) by the limited extent of early data and by the lack of variety in textual genres (refer to Tarsi 2019b:100–101 and errata corrige for a deeper discussion of these data). Finally, two special classes of nouns are worth mentioning, namely geographic names and Latin integral borrowings, for they constitute special lexical classes. The creation, and hence the meaning, of geographic names is directly connect- ed to a given geographic entity. Thus, the process whereby a geographic name is created is in part distinct from that of nouns or verbs. However, both geographic names and other lexical categories follow the general principles of phonological resemblance, especially when borrowed or adapted, and of motivation, in particu- lar with reference to their creation. Motivation in geographic names is the princi- ple by which they acquire their designation in relation to meaningful referents in the language in which they arise. Having said this, it is significant to note that geo- graphic names appear most often in explicative insertions, whereby the native term is introduced as an equivalent of the foreign one, and only once the other way around (cf. § 3.3 above). Only in a handful of occurrences do geographic names appear in simple alternation or intrastemmatic variation. All the native renderings of geographic names found in the corpus are neoformations, with the sole excep- tion of viðsmjörsviðarfjall, a structural calque of Mons Oliveti in Oddur Gott - skálksson’s translation of the New Testament. As regards the formation of geo- graphic names, they were found to be the result of four different processes: 1) determinative compounds (where the noun head is a geographic term, e.g. Blá - land), 2) native adaptations (usually following a principle of phonological resem- blance together with semantic motivation, e.g. Jórsalir),15 3) epexegetical com- Loanwords and native words in Old and Middle Icelandic 155 14 This is an arbitrary chronological division made to ensure that the loanwords were certainly old in the language. Nothing prevents, however, that loanwords first attested only after the 12th century to have been originally acquired well before that. Striking cases are those of skrifa (possibly acquired in North Germanic by the 8th century, Tarsi 2019a) and paradís (also a very old loanword, cf. Tarsi 2016a:89–90). 15 It is comforting that Myrvoll (2021) recently arrived at the same conclusion as regards the formation of the toponym Jórsalir. Neither of us knew about each other’s attempt at etymologizing this name. Mine dates from my first stay at Uppsala University in 2017–2018. Earlier mentions that I know of the paretymological genesis of Jórsalir are in von Friesen (1942:280), who identifies jór- as a cognate of OE eofor, OHG ebur ‘wild boar’ (on this issue see Myrvoll 2021:45–47), and Jansson (1954:43), who only mentions the paretymological analogical process which produced a toponym with -salir as the head of the compound. For the sake of completeness, I hereby quote my reasoning from the dis- sertation (Tarsi 2020a:17), a revised version of which is currently forthcoming:
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