Íslenskt mál og almenn málfræði - 01.01.1996, Qupperneq 70

Íslenskt mál og almenn málfræði - 01.01.1996, Qupperneq 70
68 Eiríkur Rögnvaldsson —. 1994. Passiv i norrant og nyislandsk — ei samanlikning. Norsk Lingvistisk Tids- skrift 12:43-67. Maling, Joan. 1980. Inversion in Embedded Clauses in Modern Icelandic. íslenskt mál 2:175-193. Morck, Endre. 1992. Subjektets kasus i norrant og mellomnorsk. Arkiv for nordisk filologi 107:53-99. Nygaard, Marius. 1905. Norron syntax. Aschehoug, Kristjaníu. Platzack, Christer. 1985. Narrative Inversion in Old Icelandic. íslenskt mál 7:127- 144. Zaenen, Annie, Joan Maling & Höskuldur Thráinsson. 1985. Case and Grammatical Functions: The Icelandic Passive. Natural Language and Linguistic Theoiy 3:441—482. Þóra Björk Hjartardóttir. 1993. Getið í eyðurnar. Um eyður fyrir frumlög og andlög í eldri íslensku. Málvísindastofnun Háskóla Islands, Reykjavík. [Upphaflega kandídatsritgerð í íslenskri málfræði, Háskóla íslands 1987.] SUMMARY The purpose of this paper is to show that Old Icelandic must be assumed to have had oblique (quirky) subjects. However, the author emphasizes that he is mainly con- cerned with syntactic change, not the subject or non-subject status of certain pre-ver- bal oblique NPs. His arguments are meant to show that the NPs in question behave in exactly the same manner in Old Icelandic as they do in the modem language; and hence, if they are analyzed as subjects in Modern lcelandic, they should be analyzed accordingly in Old Icelandic. In the beginning of the paper, the author discusses the problem of giving a defini- tion of the term subject. He then gives examples from Old Icelandic of various types of sentences with oblique NPs, which would pass most traditional subject tests in corresponding sentences from Modern Icelandic. In the following sections, the author reviews earlier studies on oblique subjects in Old Icelandic. He claims that even though many of the traditional subject tests either are inconclusive, or not applicable to historical data, no conclusive evidence has been presented against the existence of oblique subjects in Old Icelandic. In particular, he claims that the behaviour of imperative subject deletion, control (or Equi), and reflex- ivization cannot be used as evidence against the subjecthood of pre-verbal oblique NPs in Old Icelandic. In the remaining sections, the author brings forth new evidence for the subjecthood of the NPs in question. This regards word order in both main and subordinate claus- es, exceptional case-marking (subject-to-object raising), control, subject-to-subject raising, and long-distance reflexivization. With respect to all these constructions, the pre-verbal oblique NPs appear to have behaved exactly like ordinary nominative sub- jects (excluding the morphology, of course).
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Íslenskt mál og almenn málfræði

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