Editiones Arnamagnæanæ. Series A - 01.10.2003, Blaðsíða 76

58*
W (Wolfenbiittel 9.10. Aug. 4to)
position after m, short vowel + /, or short vowel + n, the change ð to d is
evident in almost all cases ‘þoldu’ 26.79, ‘S<k)ildu’ 49.17, ‘fylgdar’ 24.32
(but ct ‘fylgðar’ two lines earlier), ‘(fram) kuémd-’ (‘kuemd’, ‘kuæmd’)
24.22, 24, 25.54, ‘nytsemdar’ 24.34, ‘dæmdu’ 29.48, ‘undu’ 34.146, and in
many other instances. Interpretation of such cases is complicated by the
fact that there is a certain amount of orthographic confusion between <ð)
and <d>, cf ‘senðr’ 36.5, ‘unðir’ 36.48, ‘tidenda’ 30.2, ct ‘tiðenda’ 42.12
«þ> also being used in this word ‘tiþcndi’ 42.11). The composite <dð) in
‘stadðir’ 25.86, ‘þorodðr’ 48.31, for a long plosive may be a mere spelling
idiosyncracy.
The labial fricative is often spelt <fu>, intervocalically and after <l)/<r>
‘Mafua’ 19.12 - ‘heyfui’ 48.100 (x ca 45). But spelling with <f> alone is
very common (x ca 220), while spelling with <u) alone is exceptional:
‘Alui’ (= Alfi) 47.1. The use of the digraph <fu> becomes markedly
commoner from chapter 34 on; it is alleged to show Norwegian influence.
The spelling ‘ifa’ (= í vá) 34.67 (verse) suggests that the scribe made it his
practice to write <f> even though his exemplar had <u>/<v> and had not noticed
that ‘ifa’, where the <i> is a juxtaposed preposition, is in fact two words.
Fricative g is occasionally written <gh> after a back vowel ‘daghinn’
34.140, ‘flaugh’ 35.7, 8, ‘laugh-’ 32.114, 147, 35.67, 83, ‘tugh’ 41.49 (all);
<gh> also appears after ey in the form ‘þeyghi’ 34.32 (verse).
Palatalized g and k may be expressed through the presence of <i)
between the consonant and a following <æ>, though the older spelling may
be retained. gæ- may be written <giæ> ‘giætt’ 24.18 - ‘giæ[f]/r’ 45.7 (x 7),
but ct forms without the <i> ‘gæta’ 25.17; ‘gæfi’ 40.14 (all). ge- is written
without the <i> ‘gekk’ 19.3 - ‘gefit’ 49.43 (x ca 145) (for <ie> in ‘giekk'
44.4, see above p. 55*-6*). kæ- is written <kiæ> in ‘kiærleiku/n’ 24.7, 84 -
‘kiært’ 49,19 (x 7), but ct forms without the <i> ‘kæra’ 44.52, ‘kærði’ 45.11
(all). ke- is always written <ke> ‘kend’ 25.76 - ‘kemr’ 50.4 (x 39). OI k0 is
written <kio> in ‘kiorligra’ 31.68.
Similar fluctuation in the spelling of g0 occurs: <gio> only in forms of
g0ra/gera and related words (including ‘giorualla’ 29.10, ‘giorla’ 41.130,
48.58 and the comparative ‘giorr’ 28.14); in such words certain forms
without <i> do also occur, but only in the perfect participle (active or
medio-passive), ‘gorzt’ 20.10 - ‘gort’ 49.34 (x 24), that is, the distinction is
preserved between OI g0 and gQ, apart from the case of the exceptional
spelling ‘giaur’ 24.51. The spelling ‘gieruðru’ 48.126 is probably acci-
dental metathesis, for ‘geir-’; c/‘alldrie’ 31.69 above, p. 56*.
<1> followed by classical OI d or t is usually double ‘skylldi’ 19.2 - ‘elld’
42.2 - ‘alldri’ 49.45 (x ca 345) and ‘[gajullt’ 19.10 - ‘hollti’ 50.22 (x ca
120), though after a consonant single <1> is used ‘sigldu’ 21.37 - ‘negldi’