Editiones Arnamagnæanæ. Series A - 01.10.2003, Blaðsíða 108
90*
M (AM 445 b 4to) - Hand ii
of várr 26.23, ‘uara’ gen. plur. of várr 26.42, ‘uan’ 26.27, ‘sua' 26.30
(sole), ‘uapn’ 48.12, but <uo) in ‘suo’ 26.22 - 49.27 (x 13), ‘uorv’ (‘uoru’,
‘voru’), past plur. indic. of vera 26.51 -49.17 (x 12), ‘huortueggi’ 26.98,
‘huorutveggia’ 26.51, ‘huojrtuegium’ 49.20, ‘huorigir’ 49.20, and
‘kuomur’ 27.31, 33. The tendency seems to be that the change vá > vó > vo
is explicit mainly in structural (grammatical) words, while in words with
lexical significance the old spelling is retained. The sequence án is
sometimes represented by the <"> abbreviation sign, ‘kuangadur’ 1.2.
Delabialization of y before i in following syllable (Noreen 1923 § 147):
‘fir/r’ 1.8-49.5 (x 4) and ‘firer’ 48.8, 49.7 (all); but ‘yfir’ 1.14-48.14 (x
11), never ‘ifir’; ‘þiki’ 26.30 (sole example of this verb, since ‘þ[i]ck[i]r’
26.35 is indeterminate).
Vowels in unstressed syllables <i> appears for the final front unrounded
vowel (ca 240) and <ir> is used (ca 72) considerably more than <er) (x 4).
<u)/<v) is regular for the final back rounded vowel (ca 115) but <o) some-
times occurs, especially where preceded by o or ó followed by a single
consonant ‘kiolo’ 1.9, ‘cono’ 1.16, ‘toko’ 26.47, ‘uoro’ 26.48 (ct ‘uoru’,
‘voru’ 26.51 - 49.17 (x 9)), ‘komo' 49.4 (ct ‘komu’, ‘komu’ 1.19 - 49.6 (x
4) ), ‘foro’ 49.5 (all); c/also ‘stærsto’ 1.18, ‘litlo’ 27.20, ‘Bitro’ 49.5, ‘etio
kosti’ 49.11 (all).
Labially mutated superlative forms occur in ‘sidauztu’ 27.29, ‘frækn-
uztu’ 49.17 (all).
Consonants Single consonants are sometimes used in words that are
normally spelt with two, as ‘han’ 1.13 - 49.28 (x 26), ct ‘han/?’ 49.22
(sole), ‘Snor-a/i’ 27.19-49.20 (x 12), ‘egiadi’ 49.27.
<c> occurs regularly in the combination <ck> 1.5 - 49.29 (x 33) and
occasionally in other contexts ‘oc’ 1.5 - 49.7 (x 8), ‘com' 2.6, ‘com’ 26.28,
96, ‘comazt’ 26.46, ‘conm’ 3.13 (ct ‘komu’ 49.6), ‘fiskreca’ 2.13, ‘caupa’
26.46, ‘mioc’ 26.73, ‘uacnadi’ 48.12 (all).
Palatalization of g occurs only in forms of g0ra ‘giör-’ 1,11, ‘gior-’, 1.12
- 49.11 (x 12), in ‘giorfa’ 26.55 (verse) and in ‘(rada) giordar’ 26.99.
Palatalizaton of k does not occur.
<h) is sometimes absent in the group hr ‘Rolf//r’ 2.13, ‘raunit’, ‘raunid’
both 26.42, ‘raun’ 26.43, ‘raun’ (twice) 26.84, ‘Rauni’ 26.49, ‘rucku’
49.21, ‘Rafn’ 49.23 (all), but it is present in ‘hra’ 26.78 - ‘Hrafns’ 49.25 (x
5) . (h) is never absent in the group /;/ (x 14).
<1> followed by classical OI d is doubled in ‘Ynguillde’ 1.3 - ‘villdi’
49.31 (x 25), whereas classical OI Ið is written ‘<ld>: ‘taldiz’ 1.14- ‘þoldu’
26.79 (x 4). Interestingly, <lld) occurs not only after a vowel, but also after
a consonant in ‘siglldi’ (27.6, 17, ct ‘sigldi’ 27.11), which shows that the
doubling indicates quality rather than quantity (see Jakob Benediktsson